Overcrowding

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GUEST OBSERVATION
Overcrowding is an inevitable and often overlooked result of the affordable housing shortage in our cities.
When a dwelling requires four or more extra bedrooms to reasonably accommodate occupants, the standard commonly used in Australia defines that as severe overcrowding. In 2011, 41,390 Australians lived in severely overcrowded dwellings, an increase of one-third from 2006. This increase occurred mostly in cities where house prices had risen sharply.
Our recent research, to be published soon, examined where overcrowded housing is located in our capital cities. We found:
<ul>
<li>Sydney and Melbourne are most affected by concentrated overcrowding</li>
<li>levels of overcrowding are highest in middle-city areas (except in Adelaide)</li>
<li>overcrowding overlaps strongly with socioeconomic disadvantage.</li>
</ul>
What exactly do we mean by overcrowding?
Pressure in the affordable housing sector has led to increases in overcrowding. Media reports describe situations of “ten people in a two-bed unit”, “58 beds crammed into 19 dirty, makeshift rooms” and “ten people shoehorned into one bedroom, tenants sleeping in bathrooms, and in one case, a pantry”.
Living in severely crowded dwellings has been described as the most common form of homelessness.
Security and safety can be an issue when residents do not have privacy and control of their own space. But people sacrifice space and safety to secure affordable accommodation.
An example of the dangers was a fatal fire in an apartment illegally partitioned to create a fourth bedroom.
Commonly used standards of overcrowding range from simple indicators such as persons per bedroom (e.g. American Crowding Index) to more sophisticated indicators that consider family size and composition (age, gender and marital status).
One such measure, the Canadian National Occupancy Standard (CNOS), is officially recognised in Australia. It assesses a household’s bedroom requirements using the following criteria:
<ul>
<li>no more than two people should share a bedroom</li>
<li>children of different sexes under five years of age may reasonably share a room</li>
<li>children of different sexes should not share a bedroom when aged five or older</li>
<li>children under 18 and of the same sex may reasonably share a bedroom</li>
<li>parents, couples and household members aged 18 or older should have a separate bedroom.</li>
</ul>
Under this standard, households that need at least one extra bedroom are considered overcrowded. A shortfall of four or more bedrooms is severe overcrowding, with greater risks for health and safety.
One standard doesn’t fit all situations
Measuring overcrowding is not straightforward. The age and sex separation thresholds involve assumptions about the age of puberty and adulthood.
CNOS is the preferred measure of the Australian Bureau of Statistics, Statistics New Zealand and the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). This is because it takes the age and sex of occupants into account and matches our values and expectations of how space is used.
In Australia, it is usually acceptable for children of the same sex to share a bedroom before puberty. But we already know CNOS does not account for differing cultural expectations of the numbers of bathrooms and toilets, and the size of kitchens, bedrooms and living spaces. CNOS embeds assumptions that do not hold across ethnically diverse groups in Australia.
For example, a study of migrant suburbs in Sydney and Melbourne found “it is not uncommon to have families with two adults and five children sharing a two-bedroom property”. This is due to large family size and different cultural norms, including intergenerational occupancy of housing. Few properties are designed for this.
Traditional Pacific houses use living spaces rather than separate bedrooms for sleeping. A bedroom with more than two people is compatible with the attitudes of some Pacific and Mäori peoples to having a sense of adequate space.
Similarly, using the Canadian standard, Indigenous Australians are more than five times as likely to live in overcrowded housing as non-Indigenous Australians. This is alarmingly high and likely driven by high rates of socioeconomic disadvantage. We need to disentangle the extent to which values around space and its use versus socio-economic drivers of overcrowding underlie this statistic.
Do we need better measures?
So should we develop Australian-specific culturally sensitive standards? We think that depends on what we want to know.
Physiological stress and disease risk as a result of crowding occur for different ethnic groups regardless of whether they perceive themselves as crowded. Culturally specific standards may not be necessary when broadly examining the relationships between crowding and transmission of infections such as rheumatic fever, colds, asthma, influenza and meningococcal disease. Living in close quarters is relevant regardless of cultural norms of housing or nuances of measurement of crowding. Standard indices, while not perfect, capture this.
However, expectations about shared space might influence impacts on mental health. Social relations and family bonds are key social determinants of mental health. In particular, shared culture has been identified as a positive resource in improving Indigenous health. Current crowding metrics ignore non-bedroom-related uses of housing.
Crowding indices that capture the use of space – for example, incorporating subjective feelings that too many people are around – could be a step forward. Given our climate of wide temperature ranges and the high cost of utilities, such indices might also consider “functional overcrowding” – people sharing small spaces or beds due to concerns about heating/cooling and security.
Research on wellbeing would benefit from integrating a better understanding of the variety of needs of cultural groups and tailoring measures to our climatic conditions. However, such measures would be more subjective than current standard measures, more difficult to collect at a population level and less comparable with international standards.
What can we do about harmful overcrowding?
Cultural preferences mean low levels of overcrowding may not always be problematic. But overcrowding is a problem when generated by socio-economic disadvantage and when it compromises people’s safety and security. This is likely in cities where housing costs are high.
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/96110/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1">Broader measures are needed to improve the supply of affordable housing. This includes dedicated programs such as the National Rental Affordability Scheme (NRAS) and extra funding for social housing. Enforceable laws that go beyond the Public Health and Wellbeing Act in Victoria and NSW Fair Trading strata reforms are also needed to monitor overcrowding and avoid the negative impacts of severe overcrowding.
Shanaka Herath, Vice-Chancellor’s Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Wollongong
Rebecca Bentley, Associate Professor, Centre for Health Equity, Melbourne School of Population and Global Health, University of Melbourne
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/overcrowded-housing-looms-as-a-challenge-for-our-cities-96110" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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j.ballantyne1990-6AQqhLzZaK

Overcrowded housing looms as a challenge for our cities

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Staying home and social distancing are now essential to control the spread of COVID-19. Suitable accommodation for quarantine and isolation are critical, but Australia’s broken housing system leaves us all exposed.
By now, almost every Australian will have thought about the coronavirus pandemic in terms of their own housing. For many home owners, this is an economic concern. They are <a href="https://www.smh.com.au/business/banking-and-finance/sydneysiders-mortgage-debt-30-per-cent-higher-than-national-average-20200215-p5412l" target="_blank">dangerously in debt</a> after a 20-year housing boom. Renters face <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-housing-evictions-must-be-suspended-to-defend-us-against-coronavirus-134148" target="_blank">greater uncertainty</a>.
But it’s people in overcrowded, <a href="https://theconversation.com/informal-and-illegal-housing-on-the-rise-as-our-cities-fail-to-offer-affordable-places-to-live-116065" target="_blank">informal</a> or no housing at all who are most exposed. Crowded housing conditions are bad for all occupants, largely through the increased risks of infections, as WHO <a href="https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/276001/9789241550376-eng.pdf?ua=1" target="_blank">Guidelines on Health and Housing</a> clearly identify.
<h2>Expose one, expose us all</h2>
The increased risk of COVID-19 infection will have impacts on both the residents of crammed dwellings and the rest of the community. Improving the housing conditions of the most marginalised members of our society is an important biosecurity measure.
The number of Australians who are <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/2049.0Appendix12016?opendocument&amp;tabname=Notes&amp;prodno=2049.0&amp;issue=2016&amp;num=&amp;view=" target="_blank">homeless</a> <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/lookup/2049.0Media%20Release12016" target="_blank">grew dramatically from 2011-2016</a>. The largest increase was people living in severely overcrowded dwellings.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/322476/original/file-20200324-155674-1hibain.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/322476/original/file-20200324-155674-1hibain.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
Data: ABS Census 2016, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY</a>
This trend includes a sharp rise in older people living in crowded or marginal housing.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/322478/original/file-20200324-155683-ftqgrs.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/322478/original/file-20200324-155683-ftqgrs.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
Data: ABS Census 2016, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY</a>
Crowding is endemic in Indigenous communities. <a href="https://www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/c1daa420-3547-497c-b964-17b149ceba02/17718.pdf.aspx?inline=true" target="_blank">Poorly maintained and inadequate</a> dwelling conditions make the impacts of crowding worse.
Previous experience with swine flu – <a href="https://www1.health.gov.au/internet/publications/publishing.nsf/Content/cda-cdi37suppl.htm%7E02-vpds%7E2-4-influenza" target="_blank">Influenza A (H1N1)</a> – indicates contagious disease outbreaks in Indigenous communities <a href="https://theconversation.com/coronavirus-will-devastate-aboriginal-communities-if-we-dont-act-now-133766" target="_blank">will be catastrophic</a>. After over a decade of making remote areas harder places to be – as a result of cuts to housing and infrastructure allocations and increased water insecurity – they are now expected to operate as refuges.
Tertiary students, including international students, are also likely to be living in overcrowded share houses and <a href="https://theconversation.com/tracking-the-rise-of-room-sharing-and-overcrowding-and-what-it-means-for-housing-in-australia-107265" target="_blank">room-share rentals</a>. These arrangements already breach basic health and sanitation standards.
These problems aren’t due to a shortage of housing. Census data show the <a href="https://www.sgsep.com.au/publications/insights/why-was-no-one-home-on-census-night" target="_blank">number of unoccupied dwellings</a> increased during the same period that homelessness grew.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/322486/original/file-20200324-155674-227xng.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/322486/original/file-20200324-155674-227xng.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
Data: ABS Census, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY</a>
Rather than an absolute shortage of homes, our <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-the-financialisation-of-housing-and-what-can-be-done-about-it-73767" target="_blank">increasingly financialised property market</a> has distorted access to decent accommodation. Housing is now treated as an asset instead of a basic right. In recent years platforms such as Airbnb have made this situation worse by <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01944363.2016.1249011" target="_blank">transforming permanent rentals</a> into short-term accommodation for tourists.
<h2>What should governments do?</h2>
Moves to <a href="https://7news.com.au/lifestyle/health-wellbeing/morrison-calls-on-landlords-to-make-sacrifices-amid-fears-renters-face-eviction--c-754870" target="_blank">prevent evictions</a> and to offer <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-03-21/mortgage-pause-coronavirus-nab-commonwealth-anz-westpac/12076690" target="_blank">mortgage relief</a> during the pandemic period are an urgent first step in what needs to be rapid national action on housing.
Securing adequate housing for those in unstable accommodation, particularly those who need to isolate, is the next phase in this public health response. Suitable housing must be made available immediately in locations near hospitals and key health services. This can be triaged.
Options might include:
<ul>
<li>
local hotels or motels – for people in metropolitan and some regional centres this seems to be an obvious option as many are likely empty of travellers
</li>
<li>
vacant holiday homes or temporary workforce housing
</li>
<li>
other health accommodation used for rehabilitation that can be repurposed
</li>
<li>
construction of temporary dwellings.
</li>
</ul>
Hotels close to major teaching (university) hospitals could be commandeered for patients with COVID-19 who need quarantined nursing care, but not intubation to help them breathe.
These hotels could also provide places of rest for health workers who might wish to isolate themselves from their families while they fight in our favour. For example, the University of Tasmania has provided one of its <a href="https://www.utas.edu.au/alerts/coronavirus-update" target="_blank">hotel buildings</a>, which has been used for student housing, to the Tasmanian government for this purpose.
Access to hotels and motels for civilian isolation practices more broadly is an obvious solution across urban areas and regional centres.
To reduce the risks arising from inadequate housing, the nation’s vast holiday rental supply should also be considered for people on priority waiting lists for social housing who are in crowded accommodation. Owners of currently empty holiday accommodation could receive the equivalent of rent assistance payments from the Commonwealth for making their housing available.
A vast tourism workforce of property managers, maintenance and cleaning staff, already reeling from the bushfire crisis, is likely ready and able to repurpose residential tourist accommodation for those in need.
On the other side of the health crisis, it’s clear a rapid, nation-building expansion in social and affordable housing must be part of Australia’s plan. Well-designed, secure and maintained housing should be Australia’s first defence, not our weakest link, in combating health, climate and economic crises.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/nicole-gurran-759" target="_blank">Nicole Gurran</a>, Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841" target="_blank">University of Sydney</a>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/peter-phibbs-27130" target="_blank">Peter Phibbs</a>, Director, Henry Halloran Trust, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841" target="_blank">University of Sydney</a>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/tess-lea-445805" target="_blank">Tess Lea</a>, Associate Professor, Gender and Cultural Studies, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841" target="_blank">University of Sydney</a>
This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/homelessness-and-overcrowding-expose-us-all-to-coronavirus-heres-what-we-can-do-to-stop-the-spread-134378" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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Homelessness and overcrowding expose us all to coronavirus. Here's what we can do to stop the spread

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<img src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/57114/count.gif" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1">
GUEST OBSERVER
In debates about urban density we often find comments about buildings being too tall or not tall enough, about too many people in a neighbourhood or too few, about streets and buildings being overcrowded or empty.
We are told that Melbourne is building at four times the density of Hong Kong, or that density is good and will make us happy. As these debates over density in Australian cities continue, what is most often missing is any clear understanding of what people mean when they use the word “density”.
Is it the volume or height of buildings? Or is it the numbers of people? One person’s high density may be another’s sprawl; the same tall building may be experienced as oppressive or exhilarating; a “good crowd” for one can be “overcrowded” for another. One is reminded of Humpty Dumpty’s logic in Through the Looking Glass:
"When I use a word it means just what I choose it to mean – neither more nor less."
What such debate most needs is greater density literacy. Density is a concept borrowed from physics where the meaning is clear – mass divided by volume. Yet when transferred to the city nothing is so simple.
<h2>Are we talking about buildings or people?</h2>
First, we need to clarify whether we are talking about concentrations of people or of buildings. If we take population densities first, these are generally measured as residents per hectare based on census data.
But we also need to distinguish between “internal” and “external” densities – the numbers of people in a room or apartment versus those in an urban precinct. If you look at new high-rise housing in the evening, you can find many apartments unoccupied. At the other extreme, internal crowding largely defines a slum. Building density does not mean population density. 
Population densities cannot be based on residents alone since the numbers of people in a given neighbourhood at a given time include those who work there or are visiting. In a mixed-use neighbourhood, residents may be a small proportion of the population density.
There are also population density rhythms as people move from place to place throughout the day and week. The same urban precinct can be densely populated during work hours and empty on weekends. Population density is not only the number of residents but fluctuates over time and with functional mix.
<h2>And how do you measure building density?</h2>
When we shift attention to building densities, we soon encounter some unavoidable jargon. The most common measure of building density is the “floor area ratio” (known variously as FAR, FSI, FSR and plot ratio) – the ratio of floor area to land area. This is the most widely used measure for limiting the bulk of development on any given plot.
However, it does not control the building height, “footprint” (the area occupied by the building) or “coverage” (the proportion of land covered by buildings). Thus it is quite possible to build high-rise low-density (with very low coverage or small footprints) or low-rise high-density (with high coverage or large footprints).
Most high-rise public housing from the 1960s and 70s is roughly the same FAR as the low-rise housing that was demolished to build it.
Building height is not a measure of density, although sometimes the two align. Confusions here abound; press reports regularly equate FAR with height control.
Another common measure of density is dwellings per hectare. This is often used as a means of assessing population and building densities at the same time. But it does neither, unless we know the size of dwellings and of households. Thus dwellings per hectare is a very blunt measure of density, although a useful proxy for comparing housing projects.
Then there is the distinction between gross and net densities. Urban planning controls are focused on the net density on a particular site. Yet such measures are of little use in understanding how cities work because they do not include the public space of streets and parks.
The gross density is always lower than net density and it is the one that matters in debates over urban density. While we might be packed in on a particular site, the street network of a car-based city tends to keep us apart. Net density is not an effective measure of urban density.
As we measure densities of people or buildings at larger scales, we also incorporate water bodies, freeways and unbuildable sites, so the average density diminishes. Where one draws the boundary is a crucial decision in measuring urban density, or in getting the answer one wants.
Even urbanists such as Paul Mees can be guilty of this when using broad metropolitan density measures to advocate for public transport at suburban densities. Elizabeth Farrelly, a vocal proponent of higher density, compares it to the thread-count of luxury sheets (her minimum is 1,000), yet her only measure for urban density is “dwellings per hectare” – whatever the scale, net or gross.
Here we encounter the politics of density literacy and return to the logic of Humpty Dumpty:
"The question is which is to be master – that’s all."
There is no single scale at which to measure urban density, but the larger the scale the lower the density. The best approach is to understand density as multi-scalar: for any location there is an internal density, a net density, a walkable density and a metropolitan density.
<h2>High density is no guarantee of urban buzz</h2>
Finally, there is the question of streetlife density – of people in public space, of crowds and crowding. Here the complexities multiply. While we can measure the outcomes in pedestrians per minute or per square metre, we are far from understanding the ways in which streetlife is geared to building and population densities.
These connections depend at least on numbers of jobs and visitors, functional mix, car dependency, access networks and walkability. Yet this is where density delivers its greatest benefits in social and economic encounters – what we often call the urban “buzz” or “intensity” – along with disbenefits such as congestion.
In Australian cities we have become quite good at generating high density without intensity. Think of car-dominated high-rise districts where few people use the street. Yet we also have good inner-city examples of intensity without high density.
For many people, density has become a negative word. Those who want more of it often use other words and phrases: the “compact city”, “urban intensification”, “transit-oriented development” and the “30-minute city”.
This can be useful language but the question of what it means remains. The challenge is to raise the standard of urban density literacy – not to make density mean one thing but, as Alice might put it, to understand the ways it is made to mean so many different things.
Kim Dovey, professor of Architecture and Urban Design, University of Melbourne and can be contacted <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kim-dovey-107660" target="_blank">here</a>.
Elek Pafka research fellow, University of Melbourne and can be contacted <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/elek-pafka-128908" target="_blank">here</a>.
Both are authors for The Conversation.
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Overcrowding

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