Neighbourhood

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GUEST OBSERVER
Talk to any pet owner and you are bound to invoke stories about the joy and companionship of having a pet.
But evidence is mounting that the effect of pets extends beyond their owners and can help strengthen the social fabric of local neighbourhoods.
Now a cross-national study involving Perth, Australia, and three US cities has lent weight to the observation that pets help build social capital.
This is not a frivolous notion, given the erosion of sense of community is often lamented. As Hugh Mackay recently observed, not knowing our neighbours has become a sad cliché of contemporary urban life. 
I stumbled into pet-related research some 15 years ago when undertaking a PhD on neighbourhoods and sense of community. I was curious about the elements of a neighbourhood that might help people connect to one another, so I threw some in some survey questions about pets. 
In what has become my most-cited academic paper, we found that pet owners were more likely to have higher social capital. This is a concept that captures trust between people (including those we don’t know personally), networks of social support, the exchange of favours with neighbours and civic engagement.
Fast-forward a decade to a much larger study to look at the relationship between pets and social capital. Pet owners and non-owners were randomly surveyed in four cities (Perth, San Diego, Portland and Nashville – four cities reasonably comparable in size, urban density and climate). 
In all four cities, we found owning a pet was significantly associated with higher social capital compared with not owning a pet. This held true after adjusting for a raft of demographic factors that might influence people’s connections in their neighbourhood.
<h2>How do pets help build social bonds?</h2>
It is often assumed that the social benefits of pets are confined to social interactions that occur when people are out walking their dogs. Lots of dog owner anecdotes support this. In this large sample study, however, levels of social capital were higher among pet owners across the board. 
We did nonetheless find that social capital was higher among dog owners and those who walked their dogs in particular. Dog owners were five times more likely to have got to know people in their neighbourhood. This makes sense, as dogs are the most likely to get us outside the home.
Yet our survey data and qualitative responses show that a variety of pets can act as a social lubricant. Pets are a great leveller in society, owned and loved by people across social, age and racial strata. Perhaps it is having something in common with other people that strikes a chord, regardless of the type of pet.
<h2>What does this mean for how we live?</h2>
That pets can help build social capital is not just a social nicety or quirky sociological observation. Hundreds of studies internationally show that social capital is a positive predictor for a raft of important social indicators, including mental health, education, crime deterrence, and community safety.
Given pets are entrenched in the lives and homes of many Australians, it makes sense to tap into this as a way to strengthen the social fabric of local communities. 
Not everyone can or wants to own a pet. But two-thirds of the population does, so our cities and neighbourhoods need to be “pet friendly”. 
Australian suburbs are generally pretty good for walkable parks and streets. In this study, we also found that having dog walkers out and about contributes to perceptions of community safety. 
However, in Australia, pets have traditionally belonged to people living in detached housing with backyards. Many rental properties, apartment complexes, and retirement villages still default to a “no pets” policy. 
Other countries, where renting and higher-density living is more the norm, seem more accepting of pets across the housing spectrum. 
Given ageing populations, housing affordability and the need to curb urban sprawl are critical social trends in many countries (including Australia), maybe we need to recalibrate our notions of who can own a pet and where they can live. This is not to say that pets have to be allowed everywhere, but the default to “no pets allowed” is questionable. 
My father-in-law in his 80s, for example, couldn’t downsize to a retirement complex because his extremely docile rescue greyhound exceeded the “10kg pet” rule. He couldn’t bear to part with Moby, a faithful companion through whom he met many local residents daily at the park nearby.
<h2>Constant companions in times of change</h2>
A lot of my current research is around homelessness. Chatting recently with a man who was homeless with his dog on the streets of Melbourne, he told me how his dog gets him up in the morning, keeps him safe at night, and gets them both walking daily. 
His dog was one of the few stable things in his life, so he needed a public housing option that would allow pets.
People who are homeless also need crisis accommodation options that accept their pets. Hence it is great to see places such as Tom Fisher Housein Perth, opening its doors to rough sleepers with pets needing a safe place to sleep. 
Beyond the practical implications for pet-friendly cities, the potential for pets to enrich the social fabric of communities has strong appeal in an era of global uncertainty, frenetic “busyness” and technology-driven communications. As cultural analyst Sheryl Turkle has said, the ways people interact and forge relationships have undergone massive change and we can end up “connected, but alone”. 
By contrast, humans have been drawn to companion animals since early civilisation. In many people’s lives, they remain a tangible constant that can yield enduring social capital benefits.
Lisa Wood is Associate Professor Centre for Social Impact and School of Population Health, University of Western Australia and author for The Conversation. She can be contacted <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/lisa-wood-167802" target="_blank">here</a>.
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jchancellor-FAypfDUnLy

Why pets strengthen neighbourhood ties

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GUEST OBSERVER
The Sydney suburb of Waterloo is set to be redeveloped as a state-government-nominated “State Significant Precinct”.
Many Waterloo residents are anxious about the relocation process and about what kind of neighbourhood they will return to. 
Documentary filmmakers and urban scholars are working alongside residents as they attempt to engage with media reporting and urban planning of the redevelopment.
One project, #WeLiveHere2017, is part-urban performance and part-documentary. Up to 500 residents in two public housing towers are each being given a coloured “mood light” to install in their window. Residents can change the colour of their light to express how they feel about the changes in their neighbourhood, including their possible relocation.
The project is a response to public tenants often having little choice or say in the key debates and decisions about their changing neighbourhoods and homes.
What is the main purpose of housing?
The Waterloo site includes about 18 hectares of government-owned land containing low-, medium- and high-rise public housing. According to Planning NSW, the redevelopment will increase “housing and jobs”. 
Housing affordability is a hot issue across the political spectrum. The problem is felt most acutely by those who are struggling to get into the housing market, to find an affordable rental, or to simply put a roof over their head.
While the problem seems obvious, there are divergent views about the causes and solutions to this crisis.
Many politicians and policymakers do not engage – or do not want to engage – with debates about non-market solutions to the housing problem.
This debate has a long history. In 1872, Frederick Engels concluded that “the so-called housing shortage, which plays such a great role in the press” was the result of industrialising European cities not providing worker housing.
Engels understood that residential housing is political, and that if market societies fail to provide workers with enough adequate housing, the housing problem will continue ad infinitum.
Solutions depend on the questions we ask
Finding effective solutions depends on asking the right housing questions. The public debate is replete with evidenced-based housing data about the wrong, or possibly non-housing, questions.
Housing supply and dwelling completions data answer popular housing questions, but often presuppose a particular private housing type. Housing market analyses focus on economic exchange rather than questions of residential use.
Arguably, the key housing question is this: should we continue with policy that encourages housing to be treated as a safety deposit box for growing capital, or should housing be revalued for its habitational uses, such as housing for the poor, workers and the elderly in our cities?
Asking about these uses of homes reminds us that people actually live in houses, and that people need housing to live in if they are to work in our cities.
Urban economies only function when a cross-section of society lives in the city to provide a diverse labour force. In other words, it’s about housing and jobs. 
Policy that treats houses as abstract market commodities has effectively devalued the tacit knowledge that is gained from how different people inhabit their housing and city.
Shedding light on people’s housing problem
The value of a creative artistic practice such as #WeLiveHere2017 lies in its capacity to expose the housing problem.
The “evidence base” about public housing redevelopment is currently framed around recording “concentrations of poverty”, mapping “poorly maintained public housing assets” and “economic modelling” that justifies government agendas to sell outright or to lease out public land and housing for economic purposes.
This evidence base limits residents’ capacity to create alternative narratives about their homes and neighbourhoods, because these rely on different types of data and evidence.
The media regularly create stories about public housing estates as sites of dysfunction, disorder and crime. These stories draw on the government’s evidence base, which is produced to support its redevelopment agendas.
This evidence base and media reporting often position individual tenant behaviour, rather than government policy, as the housing problem.
Because they are deemed to be the problem, residents of public housing neighbourhoods find it hard to engage in the political processes and debates that set out the so-called “housing problems” in our cities. 
The human dimensions of the housing crisis
The #WeLiveHere2017 project is a response to the devaluing of the locally situated knowledge of residents. It attempts to capture their concerns about their changing neighbourhoods and homes.
The project turns an inanimate building into a metaphorical sentient structure. Through the mood lights, it is expressing the habitational experiences and anxieties of the residents.
It not only puts “a human face to public housing”, it puts a human face to the key housing question in the global city of Sydney: where will the poor, elderly and workers live in our city?
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/dallas-rogers-5269" target="_blank">Dallas Rogers </a>is Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Architecture, Design and Planning, University of Sydney
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/alistair-sisson-17664" target="_blank">Alistair Sisson</a> is PhD Candidate, Urban Geography, University of Sydney
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/jenna-condie-184548" target="_blank">Jenna Condie</a> is Lecturer in Digital Research and Online Social Analysis, Western Sydney University
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/laura-wynne-97854" target="_blank">Laura Wynne</a> is Senior Research Consultant, Institute for Sustainable Futures, University of Technology Sydney
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/pratichi-chatterjee-201284" target="_blank">Pratichi Chatterjee</a> is PhD Student, Urban Geography, University of Sydney
All are authors for <a href="https://theconversation.com/au" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>.
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We Live Here: how do residents feel about public housing redevelopment?

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An associate of mine recently suggested that I listen to a podcast from the USA that talked about the role of the arts in helping to both revitalise existing neighbourhoods and also helping to create and energise new ones.
At the same time the topic also explored some related issues like housing affordability and ageing in place.
All of which are common themes here and I think have particular significance to many aspects of marketing new projects and how place in-turn influences values.
While some of the material in the podcast was largely focussed on the regenerating neglected urban areas the central theme of ‘creative space making’ had lots of material that I think can be applied here. Many parts of Sydney are being developed with new apartment and mixed-use projects and among buyers there is a definite desire to live in places that have a feeling of community, a richness of local colour and activity.
LOVE OF PLACE
There’s no doubt that developers take the lead when investing into new areas, having usually worked with local councils and existing residents. Sometimes this process results in the creation of totally new neighbourhoods and new communities but often there’s an existing footprint of local character that extends well beyond just local services.
When we think about what makes people love where they live (or wish to live) then connecting with the local community is essential. It’s a topic that helps identify the appeal of different areas, creates a competitive advantage and its part of what sets demand, value and prices. It’s an important part of underpinning the investment made and I think easily overlooked when determining local demand and values.
In some established parts of any city or suburb there’s usually an existing culture that appeals to buyers and extends way beyond for example a handful of shops.
Even when we are dealing with former industrial ‘brown-field sites’ you can sometimes find nearby fragments of neighbourhood, like a pub or local café. Not to mention the social footprint of the local residents who just happen to find themselves now living close to any number of new projects and new residents.
The dynamics of every major city are now caught up in this trend and as the podcast I referred to earlier explored the how the arts, a feeling of community and the economic interests of the area are all connected. These same points also form part of the work – life balance and even when we have a buoyant market, buyers want to know that the area, the community they are investing in has solid lifestyle appeal.
WHAT MAKES PEOPLE LOVE WHERE THEY LIVE?
As the density of urban areas increases every stakeholder – councils, planners, developers, investors and above all the residents know that the sense of place deserves more attention. A strong local identity described as a sense of place does, from a marketing perspective, create a competitive advantage and that will always influence prices paid in a particular area.
It will also influence future property values, they key factors feed into why areas experience strong demand form developers and buyers, it might be intangible and not directly articulated, but I think it’s worth devoting some time to the exploring.
The mix of community, the role of how creative a place feels, the physical appearance and the economic viability of a place all feed into this interesting mix.
Another factor, that we see in many suburbs is how quickly, as developments are finished and people move to the area, that it then changes. Over time this change might morph into ‘love of place’ and thus the community gives a big tick to the quality of planning and development.
Just what makes up the substance of creative place making, the factors that all come together in a desirable neighbourhood, can I think be pinpointed into three areas. These areas include – social appeal, accessibility (user-friendliness) and the aesthetics, the built environment. In combination they all sit behind the appeal of an area and individual projects, they are the marketing foundations and all directly impact prices and buyer demand.
The podcast I mentioned at the start of this discussion was mainly concerned about the role of the arts in helping to create or energise an area and community, however in my next post I want to look further at the role of creative place making as an vigorous part of the project development and marketing mix.
To read the second part of Peter's post, click <a href="peter-chittenden/44774-creative-place-making-part-two-peter-chittenden" target="_blank">here</a>.
Peter Chittenden is managing director for residential of Colliers International. He can be contacted <a href="https://www.projectagenda.com.au/" target="_blank">here</a>.
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pchittenden-eLqUUC8TWW

Making a creative residential place Part One: Peter Chittenden

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In London, there is Soho; in New York, Chelsea and Greenwich Village; and in San Francisco, there is the Castro. In <a href="https://www.newsouthbooks.com.au/books/gay-sydney/" target="_blank">Sydney</a>, there is Darlinghurst and, more specifically, Oxford Street. These are neighbourhoods of large cities that have, since at least the 1950s and often earlier, developed a reputation as queer spaces.
In more recent years, those reputations have <a href="http://www.australianreview.net/digest/2015/04/mckinnon" target="_blank">begun to fade</a> and the enduring meanings of the “gaybourhood” have come into question.
But what each of these places represents is the centrality of urban space to the emergence of visible, “out and proud” lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer identities and communities.
Queer Sydney in the ‘Golden Mile’ era
The peak years of Oxford Street’s queer life extended from the mid-1970s until the mid-1990s. In the years after the second world war, many gay men in Sydney socialised in CBD hotels, including the <a href="https://dictionaryofsydney.org/entry/hotel_australia">Hotel Australia</a>.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/215505/original/file-20180419-163971-8935d7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/215505/original/file-20180419-163971-8935d7.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
A guide to the ‘Golden Mile’ published in the Oxford Weekender News, one of many ‘bar rag’ newspapers that circulated the 1980s queer scene. Author provided
The first LGBTQ clubs on Oxford Street were Ivy’s Birdcage and Capriccio’s, which both opened in 1969. By the beginning of the 1980s, Oxford Street was home to a string of bars, clubs, saunas and cafes and had become known as Sydney’s gay “Golden Mile”.
The emergence of this gay heartland represents extraordinary social change. Male homosexuality remained illegal in New South Wales until 1984. The homosexual men socialising in 1950s CBD hotels were required to do so with discretion – the consequences of discovery could be devastating.
In contrast, the queerness of a venue like <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://dictionaryofsydney.org/media/1500" target="_blank">Capriccio’s</a> was defiantly visible and undeniable. As more venues were opened along the Golden Mile, the street itself became a gay space, as did the surrounding neighbourhoods where LGBTQ people – particularly gay men – made homes in the terraces and apartments of Darlinghurst and Paddington.
A simple walk along the street became an act of participation in an emerging community.
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/215348/original/file-20180418-163971-eb8b44.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="">
Ivy’s Birdcage at 191 Oxford Street was one of Darlinghurst’s first drag bars. <a class="source" href="http://www.camp.org.au/" target="_blank">Sydney Pride History Group</a>, Author provided
Members of a marginalised social group were thus using urban space to resist oppression and build a community. For some, this produced a kind of utopia. In an interview with Sydney’s <a href="http://www.camp.org.au/" target="_blank">Pride History Group</a>, DJ Stephen Allkins described his first visit to the Oxford Street disco Patch’s as a teenager in 1976. He remembers:
I was home. That was it. It was the most fabulous place I’d ever been in my life … It’s full of gay people and they’re all dressed to the nines. They’re not hiding under a rock … They’re expressing and happy.
<h2>Finding a place in the queer community</h2>
But these feelings of joy at having found such a space can be complicated by a range of factors. The gay community was certainly not free from sexism, racism and transphobia, meaning that some within the LGBTQ community were granted far easier access to these spaces than others.
<iframe src="https://public.tableau.com/views/NSWSameSexCouplesbyPostcode/SamesexcouplesinNSWbypostcode?:showVizHome=no&amp;:embed=true%22" width="100%" height="450"></iframe>
Indeed, although Golden Mile-era Oxford Street included venues popular with lesbians, including the women-only bar Ruby Reds, the surrounding neighbourhood was more identifiably gay than <a href="http://www.publishing.monash.edu/books/ud-9781922235701" target="_blank">lesbian</a>.
<audio width="300" height="32" preload="metadata" controls="controls" data-duration="103" data-image="" data-title="Katy O'Rourke recalls her first visit in the 1970s to queer venue Chez Ivy in Bondi Junction." data-size="1646383" data-source="Sydney Pride History Group" data-source-url="http://www.camp.org.au/sphg-home/35-100-voices-tabs/178-100-voices" data-license="Author provided" data-license-url=""><source src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/audio/1141/090829-kor-chez-ivy.mp3" type="audio/mpeg"></source></audio>
<div class="audio-player-caption">Katy O'Rourke recalls her first visit in the 1970s to queer venue Chez Ivy in Bondi Junction. <a class="source" href="http://www.camp.org.au/sphg-home/35-100-voices-tabs/178-100-voices" target="_blank" rel="nofollow">Sydney Pride History Group</a>, Author provided
</div>
<h4>Source: <a href="http://www.camp.org.au/sphg-home/35-100-voices-tabs/178-100-voices">Sydney Pride History Grouop</a>
</h4>
Inner-west suburbs including Leichhardt and Petersham were far more significant urban spaces in the lives of many queer women. Lesbian share-houses in these neighbourhoods became central sites of feminist politics, activism, sex and romance.
Penny Gulliver, a resident of legendary 1970s share-house “Crystal Street”, has remembered that women “who were just coming out, because there was nothing like a counselling service then, they’d come to Crystal Street”.
Into the new millennium, Oxford Street’s place as the gay heart of Sydney became less certain. As LGBTQ businesses failed and venues closed, questions emerged as to whether a community now more a part of the mainstream still needed its own spaces.
<audio width="300" height="32" preload="metadata" controls="controls" data-duration="116" data-image="" data-title="Angela Crimmon talks about the ongoing importance of queer spaces in Sydney's west." data-size="1852034" data-source="Pride History Group" data-source-url="http://www.camp.org.au/sphg-home/35-100-voices-tabs/178-100-voices" data-license="Author provided" data-license-url=""><source src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/audio/1137/080225-ac-lesbian-friendly-suburbs.mp3" type="audio/mpeg"></source></audio>
<div class="audio-player-caption">Angela Crimmon talks about the ongoing importance of queer spaces in Sydney’s west. <a class="source" href="http://www.camp.org.au/sphg-home/35-100-voices-tabs/178-100-voices" target="_blank" rel="nofollow">Pride History Group</a>, Author provided 
</div>
<h4>Source: <a href="http://www.camp.org.au/sphg-home/35-100-voices-tabs/178-100-voices" target="_blank">Sydney Pride History Group</a>
</h4>
For a time, King Street in <a href="http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0607/04-gorman-murray.php" target="_blank">Newtown</a> dominated as a queer alternative. In 1983 gay publican Barry Cecchini took over the Milton Hotel on Newtown’s King Street, renamed it Cecchini’s and launched it as the area’s first gay venue. Shortly after, the Newtown Hotel, just across the road, also became a gay pub. Cecchini told the Sydney Morning Herald in 1984 that gays were leaving “the scene” of Oxford Street looking for a “more cosmopolitan mix” in Newtown.
Through the following decades, venues including The Imperial in Erskineville (made famous as the site from which three drag queens launched their adventures in a bus named <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/film/australia-culture-blog/2014/may/09/the-adventures-of-priscilla-queen-of-the-desert-rewatching-classic-australian-films">Priscilla</a>) and the Sly Fox in Enmore, home to a popular lesbian night, further developed the area’s queer reputation.
<h2>Protecting queer space</h2>
In recent years, however, a range of factors, including changes to licensing laws, have produced significant challenges for <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/http://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/CICrimJust/2016/16" target="_blank">queer socialising</a> in that neighbourhood.
Newtown sits outside the zone of the so-called “lockout laws”. Late-night partiers who might once have ventured to Kings Cross are instead heading to pubs along King Street, and reports of <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-04-14/violence-increasing-newtown-alleged-homophobic-attack-victim/7328142" target="_blank">anti-LGBTQ abuse and violence</a> have increased.
In response, a campaign called “<a href="https://www.vice.com/en_au/article/zn7zp8/people-are-protesting-to-keep-newtown-weird-and-safe" target="_blank">Keep Newtown Weird and Safe</a>” has attempted to maintain the queer meanings of this urban space.
<iframe src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/KIJEGdCw_is?wmode=transparent&amp;start=0" frameborder="0" width="440" height="260"></iframe>
Keep Newtown Weird and Safe is an annual community festival that began in 2016 in response to homophobic and transphobic violence.
Despite changes in Oxford and King streets, efforts to keep Newtown “weird” highlight the continued value of urban space to LGBTQ communities. Indeed, among a younger generation, new forms of queer identity continue to inspire the search for spaces in which to celebrate difference.
In pockets of the inner west, for example, young queer, transgender and <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-genderqueer-48596" target="_blank">genderqueer</a> people are creating spaces of activism, partying, performance and everyday life. This new generation is exploring the fresh possibilities of queer identity and developing their community. Access to urban space remains central to this.
Like the city itself, the LGBTQ community continues to be less a fixed entity than a process of <a href="http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1068/d14012" target="_blank">movement</a>, adaptation and change.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/scott-mckinnon-137550" target="_blank">Scott McKinnon</a>, Vice-Chancellor's Postdoctoral Research Fellow, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-wollongong-711" target="_blank">University of Wollongong</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/big-city-gaybourhoods-where-they-come-from-and-why-they-still-matter-93956" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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j.ballantyne1990-6AQqhLzZaK

Why big city gaybourhoods matter: Scott McKinnon

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EXPERT OBSERVER
The COVID-19 pandemic has brought into sharp focus the need for connection to our local community and the health challenges of the retirement village model.
We know that, as we age, most people prefer to stay in their own homes and communities instead of moving to retirement villages. Some have gone so far as to say retirement villages have had their day. However, the reality is not quite that simple.
The challenge is that seniors are not well informed on what they could demand of the market. Planning schemes could also do more to create incentives for the changes we need now.
The challenges are complex and urgent as the global population grows and ages. Yet our housing supply reveals a bad case of the tail wagging the dog. Finely tuned financial models and development processes are driving the housing products available in the market.
What’s needed instead is adaptable housing and neighbourhoods to help people as they move through life’s stages.
<h2>Are the days of the retirement village numbered?</h2>
Many individuals and families struggle to find the right “fit” between the supported living options of retirement villages, independent living lifestyle villages and staying in the (often unsuitable) family home as their needs change.
Such villages offer viable products in the market as an important part of the housing mix. The models have some advantages in that they:
<ul>
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are thoroughly costed and provide a good return for developers
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<li>
offer a range of living options to suit most budgets and level of care needs
</li>
<li>
promise security, activities and a sense of community.
</li>
</ul>
<h2>Seniors are best placed to say what they need</h2>
However, <a href="http://research.usc.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/usc:7983" target="_blank">our research</a> with seniors in south-east Queensland revealed a desire to “age in neighbourhood” and to have neighbourhoods with a mix of ages and building forms.
Planning schemes could drive this now by giving priority to, and providing incentives for, sustainable and accessible housing close to transport and other services.
We worked with more than 42 seniors in south-east Queensland to design a series of housing types. These were based on what they told us were important to them in a home and a neighbourhood.
The table below summarises the key features that they told us make a neighbourhood and a home a good place to live as they age.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/341377/original/file-20200612-80774-k4gbny.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/341377/original/file-20200612-80774-k4gbny.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
The resulting principles and housing types paint a vivid picture of what older people in a subtropical environment find appealing and supportive as they age.
Many participants preferred an accessible home on one level. Ideally, it should have two bedrooms and a study. This means it can easily be adapted to changing needs.
An essential component for our participants was to take advantage of the mild climate by having both private and shared outdoor spaces. Here they could socialise, relax and enjoy pleasant outlooks from the home. Cutting planning requirements for car parks by 50% could add more shared outdoor space and cut housing and living costs for residents.
Homes should be sustainably designed. This means they capture natural light and prevailing breezes for through ventilation, take into account privacy and noise considerations in higher-density areas, and have solar and rainwater harvesting systems to save resources and money.
Also important was a neighbourhood with a variety of green, clean and safe public open spaces. This includes flat, well-maintained and shaded walkways for exercise and easy access to shops, facilities and public transport.
We then showed how all these housing types could be incorporated into one Brisbane suburb, as the image below illustrates. This would mean seniors could remain in their neighbourhood in more suitable housing, reducing the stress of moving to unfamiliar surroundings.
<h2>How to make it happen</h2>
As with all complex challenges, everyone has a role to play in achieving these goals. However, local government planning reforms can act as a catalyst for the market to change and innovate.
Planning schemes could, for example, reduce application fees for developments that include accessible or universal design within 400-800 metres of key services, facilities and transport.
Carpark allocation could also be uncoupled from housing in locations close to transport and services. This would reduce the cost of housing and encourage greater used of active (cycling, walking, etc) and public transport.
This research clearly signals to local and state government, developers and small-scale property investors how houses, duplexes and mid-rise apartments could be put together in an age-friendly suburb. This transition to mixed-density infill development would support what we call “ageing in neighbourhood”.
Further, this research suggests planning “priority zones” could give the market the incentive to invest in the future-focused neighbourhood development it should be providing to keep people connected to their community.
This article was co-authored by Phil Smith, Associate Director of Deicke Richards at the time of publication of the research report. Phil Smith is Director of Gomango Architects.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/138729/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;">
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/caroline-osborne-90671" target="_blank">Caroline Osborne</a>, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Office of Community Engagement, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-the-sunshine-coast-1068" target="_blank">University of the Sunshine Coast</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/claudia-baldwin-248780" target="_blank">Claudia Baldwin</a>, Professor, Urban Design and Town Planning, Co-director, Sustainability Research Centre, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-the-sunshine-coast-1068" target="_blank">University of the Sunshine Coast</a>
This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ageing-in-neighbourhood-what-seniors-want-instead-of-retirement-villages-and-how-to-achieve-it-138729" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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What seniors want instead of retirement villages and how to achieve it

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Disadvantaged Australian suburbs risk having hotspots more than 10 degrees higher than those in greener more affluent areas, according to a study from RMIT.
The report, titled Where Should All the Trees Go is produced with CSIRO Data 61 and the University of Western Australia. The study examined greenness levels across Australia’s metropolitan areas and how 139 local governments are performing in their greening plans.
Lead author, Associate Professor Marco Amati from the RMIT Centre for Urban Research, said greening efforts of local governments had not been as effective as hoped.
“Governments keep track of the green cover in cities as this has implications for adaptability in extreme weather events, biodiversity, and is linked to the community’s overall wellbeing,” he said.
“Using i-Tree – a method for sampling urban vegetation distributions and land covers – we found there has been a major decline in canopy coverage.
“As they lose vegetation, urban areas start to act like heat sponges.
“Our study showed areas identified as less affluent are at risk of having urban hotspots that are more than 10 degrees higher than those found in wealthier areas.
"To identify which areas of socioeconomic and health disadvantage also coincide with a lack of green cover and a high incidence of heat, the team developed a new Vulnerability to Heat, poor Health, Economic Disadvantage and Access (VHHEDA) index.
“Using this index, we found that green spaces and heat concentration in Australia are spread unevenly, which is contributing to an uneven spread of economic and health circumstances."
The research found Australian metropolitan areas have experienced a loss of vegetation equivalent to the size of Brisbane in the last three years, risking heat spikes particularly in less affluent areas.
Report co-author Dr Bryan Boruff from the University of Western Australia said urban vegetation losses and gains can often be explained by the changing nature of neighbourhoods across the country.
“Local governments showing the greatest green space losses across Perth lie in a band that stretches from inland Melville to coastal East Fremantle where the traditional Aussie backyard is losing ground to densification and infill,” he said.
“While it is known that the Australian backyard is disappearing, much more research is required to understand the factors influencing this unanticipated trend to help get our urban greening back on track.”
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jonathanchancellor-7SQnKwU6yx

Disadvantaged Australian suburbs risking heat spots

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GUEST OBSERVATION
Crime and insecurity are deeply entrenched in some cities. While we have rankings of the most dangerous cities in the world, this does not give a clear picture of how and why dangerous spaces develop in cities.
We are analysing case studies from cities in France, Colombia, Brazil and Australia to understand the factors that lead to insecurity, and to examine possible solutions.
Risks of ghettos in Australia
Australian cities aren’t immune to the dangers. While there is no clear upward trend in crime nationally, the social polarisation and concentration of certain crimes in parts of the cities of Sydney and Melbourne are cause for concern. As a result, New South Wales and Victoria are the states with the highest rates of unlawful entry and armed robbery.
Sydney in particular is experiencing a “ghettoisation effect”. Social polarisation between suburbs is increasing. Another issue in Sydney’s western suburbs is domestic violence.
While crime rates here are much lower than in cities in Latin America and France, we need to be mindful of how neighbourhoods can become dangerous through neglect by planners and policymakers.
What can we do about it?
Social disorganisation theory has dominated research in this field. Central to this approach are neighbourhood mechanisms to reduce crime and disorder.
Some have criticised this theory for not considering the influences on crime of the larger urban political economy. Political and economic decisions may have direct effects by increasing unemployment, residential instability (via planning and housing policies) or population density (via zoning policies).
Reducing crime is also the job of planners. Research has shown, for instance, that better planning can reduce the tragedies of domestic violence.
Incentives at the city scale – such as tax breaks and policies to decentralise public services and promote economic activity in poorer outer suburbs – need to be twinned with strategies to foster social integration at the neighbourhood level.
Latin America: a focus on Colombia and Brazil
Violence and high crime rates have created stark divisions in some Latin American cities. Residents have responded with several strategies to feel safe at home.
In Argentina, crime rates soared after the political and financial crisis of 2001. Citizens started building barricades and fortified their living environments with all types of security devices. Gated communities became the preferred type of housing, especially for upper-middle-class groups who could afford it.
However, gating and security devices have not been successful deterrents to crime. The strategies that have succeeded are linked to encouraging more social integration, shared use of public space, and less opposition to and marginalisation of “the other”.
“Social urbanism” policies in cities like Medellín, Colombia, and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, have led to dramatic reductions in crime. The idea of these interventions is not only to physically upgrade housing and public space, but to improve social outcomes.
In Medellín, public space was improved in some of the poorest neighbourhoods, which included new infrastructure. Alleys were upgraded, to make walking easier and increase safety, and the famous escalators were built. The community manages these escalators, which improve access to the upper areas of neighbourhoods and help create safer environments.
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/217392/original/file-20180503-83693-dfjkg9.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" alt="">
One of the escalators managed by the local community in Medellín. Sonia Roitman. Author provided
The installation of aerial public transport (“metrocable” cable cars) also improved access and helped integrate these areas with the city centre. This in turn led to greater awareness of their existence and less prejudice against them as areas of marginalisation. Residents of other areas who wouldn’t normally travel through these poor neighbourhoods became more aware of them while using public transport.
In the case of Brazil, the Favela Bairro program to upgrade slums in Rio de Janeiro in the late 1990s succeeded in integrating favelas with the city to improve living conditions and reduce crime rates.
For such projects to succeed it is essential to have community participation, engagement and buy-in.
Urban policy in France
The 2005 riots in French cities were the results of both structural issues, such as unemployment and police violence, and long-term social and spatial segregation.
Since the 2000s, the “action on places” paradigm has dominated urban policy. Its goal has been to tackle spatial inequality, with the National Agency for Urban Renewal (ANRU) playing a central role.
In exchange for state funding, cities had to commit to eradicate old social housing projects and build new residential buildings.
Previously, the policy for “deprived neighbourhoods” allowed elected officials and local representatives of the state a larger choice of strategies. These included renovation, positive discrimination, mediation, and the development of local community-led initiatives.
The urban renewal policy, launched in 2003, restricted the range of strategies. It is now criticised because it changed the urban form of neighbourhoods without really changing the social issues.
Today, the possible avenues for action are more diverse. Efforts are concentrated in the most deprived neighbourhoods, with employment, education and security as the budget priorities.
Build on existing social ties
Many strong social ties exist in these so-called deprived neighbourhoods. One promising avenue for action, but which currently attracts the least investment, is to focus on the strengths of those neighbourhoods. This can be done by supporting local initiatives, especially those led by women.
In the book Remake the City, two French researchers stress that it is illusory to think that solutions imposed from above can prevent ghettoisation. They see a need to learn from the experiments carried out in Latin America and in the United States. In the US, the rise of the “community development corporation” has helped to turn negative situations into experiences that foster social integration at the neighbourhood level and present a more positive image of the “ghetto”.
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94418/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1">Even if the contexts are very different, these examples show that the factors at work in places at risk of ghettoisation need to be analysed at different scales. Solutions need to integrate bottom-up actions with strong engagement from communities and a policy rethink on the structural drivers of strong social and spatial segregation in cities.
Sebastien Darchen, Lecturer in Planning, The University of Queensland
Gwendal Simon, Assistant Professor of Planning and Urban Planning, Université Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée (UPEM)
Sonia Roitman, Senior lecturer in Development Planning, The University of Queensland
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/when-neighbourhoods-become-dangerous-look-to-local-strengths-for-a-lifeline-94418" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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When neighbourhoods become dangerous, look to local strengths for a lifeline

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Research from JLL suggests the re-rating of neighbourhood shopping centres is reflected in the convergence of yields of neighbourhood and sub-regional centres.
Andrew Quillfeldt, Director – Strategic Research, JLL, notes that while average yields have trended down and converged, the yield spread between the strongest and weakest centres in all formats is unusually wide, with considerable overlap between the neighbourhood and sub-regional sectors.
“Clearly investors have become very discriminating in the pricing of retail assets,” said Quillfeldt. 
“A range of factors – demographics, location, management quality and tenant mix – are all key drivers of value at the individual asset level.
“Increasingly these factors dictate value rather than the simple categorisation of a centre.
“This reassessment of the retail sector creates opportunities for centre owners and active managers to add value by re-positioning their assets.”
Quillfeldt says owners of sub-regional centres have been actively driving rental growth by changing the tenant mix towards more F&amp;B, retail services and convenience uses –categories which typically pay higher average rents than other uses, such as apparel, and bolster the performance of shopping centres over the longer term.
Investor demand and competition for neighbourhood shopping centres has been strong since 2014, driven primarily by private investors.
The competition for neighbourhood centre assets has resulted in capital value growth and yield compression in all retail formats, but more so in the neighbourhood category.
The lower price point makes neighbourhood centres accessible to a wide range of private investors seeking yield.
The non-discretionary nature of tenancies often operating in neighbourhood centres also offers stability of income.
“This trend has been complemented by capital market conditions conducive to private investors, given the low cost of debt finance and subdued returns available from many other investment classes,” said Quillfeldt.
“We expect shopping centre formats and performance profiles will evolve as urban density continues to increase and shopping habits change, which will have implications for how they are valued and priced.”
JLL suggest it's the first yield cross-over on record and while it is too early to know whether this is a permanent shift, it is evidence that investors are re-assessing neighbourhood centres that have historically traded at a discount to other retail formats – sub-regional and regional centres as well as CBD retail assets.
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2018/8/14/FPA.jpg" alt="">
According to Peri Macdonald, Executive General Manager – Retail, Frasers Property Australia, the change in the retail investment hierarchy can be attributed to a number of factors, not least the evolution of shopping towards a more convenient, non-discretionary focus.
“Population growth and increased density in inner city catchments are giving rise to greater demand for new forms of convenience retail, as more health and lifestyle uses emerge and demand for food and retail services increases,” Macdonald says.
“This growth reveals a distinct opportunity for the emerging super-neighbourhood class of shopping centre, which mirrors the locally-curated tenancy mix of neighbourhood centres on a size scale similar to sub- regional centres.
“As planning regulations increasingly embrace more integrated and mixed-use forms of development, both in inner-city areas as well as for greenfield town centre sites, investment interest in the neighbourhood and super-neighbourhood categories can be expected to intensify.”
While there has traditionally been a clear hierarchy in retail in terms of risk profile for each shopping centre category, the changes in physical format to the traditional neighbourhood shopping centre, including the emergence of the super-neighbourhood centre concept, will support the recent convergence of yields between the two retail formats.
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Investors reassessing neighbourhood retail centres in hunt for value

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It comes as no surprise that <a href="https://www.walkscore.com/AU-NSW/Sydney" target="_blank">Walk Score's list</a> rates Sydney as the most walkable large city in Australia. 
The waterfront city has also been deemed <a href="https://images.arcadis.com/media/0/C/0/%7B0C0BECF6-FA5B-49B2-B332-900D50833DEE%7DAAP_MOBILITY%20INDEX_spread.pdf?_ga=2.141593266.1201163471.1579477286-416334874.1579477286" target="_blank">the second most transit-friendly</a> in the country behind Brisbane and in-front of Melbourne. Sydney provides a wide range of transport with ferries, trains, metro and the recently welcomed light rail amongst the many options available. 
Opportunities to cycle have also risen as the city's biking infrastructure has improved in recent years. Significantly more councils have bike lanes with <a href="https://www.cityofsydney.nsw.gov.au/explore/getting-around/cycling/dockless-bike-sharing" target="_blank">stationless shared bikes</a> located and accessible across the city.
<a href="https://mobike.com/au/download" target="_blank">Mobike</a> and <a href="https://www.li.me/en-us/home">LimeBike</a> operate in multiple suburbs and can be tracked and paid on their website and app. LimeBike have, since late 2018, provided <a href="https://www.li.me/electric-assist-bike" target="_blank">electric assisted bikes</a> which has helped encourage more users. 
Sydney is also diverse, home to nearly 200 nationalities, and offers a unique cultural experience with its range of cuisine, museums, galleries, and beaches. 
These are all of metrics Walk Score takes into account when deciding the rankings for each of Sydney's neighbourhoods. Without further ado, here are the <a href="https://www.walkscore.com/AU-NSW/Sydney" target="_blank">top neighbourhoods</a>. 
<h2>1. Haymarket </h2>
Walk Score: 99 | Population: 5,365
"Haymarket is a Walker's Paradise", states Walk Score. "Daily errands do not require a car in Haymarket Sydney." 
Adjacent to Darling Harbour, Haymarket includes much of Sydney's Chinatown, Thaitown and Railway Square localities. 
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/1_HAYMARKET%20PADDYS.jpg" alt="" width="557" height="338">
Amongst the neighbourhood's many perks, the proximity of restaurants, bars and coffee shops is highly regarded. There are about eight restaurants, bars and coffee shops, and people in the area can walk to an average of two restaurants, bars and coffee shops in five minutes. 
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/2_Haymarket.jpg" alt="" width="557" height="338">
Source: WalkScore 
<h2>2. The Rocks </h2>
Walk Score: 98 | Population: 683
This neighbourhood of historic laneways in the shadow of Sydney Harbour Bridge, has a diverse cluster of people. Interaction mainly takes place at the open-air Rocks Market where street food and handmade items are sold. 
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/2_THE%20ROCKS%20MARKET.jpg" alt="" width="553" height="336">
Source: <a href="https://www.timeout.com/sydney/things-to-do/the-rocks-night-markets" target="_blank">TimeOut</a>
The Rocks is home to Sydney's oldest pubs and many upscale harbour-view restaurants. 
This hub of culture is an urban stage of buskers who perform live along the harbour front promenade. The Museum of Contemporary Art offers local and international exhibits. 
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/2_Rocks.jpg" alt="" width="555" height="337"> 
Source: WalkScore 
 
<h2>3. Sydney </h2>
Walk Score: 98 | Population: 14,287
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/3_Sydney.jpg" alt="" width="550" height="334">
Source: WalkScore 
 
<h2>4. Ultimo</h2>
Walk Score: 98 | Population: 7,106
Located in the inner-city suburb of Sydney, Ultimo is only 2 km south-west of CBD. Broadway is amongst the many attractions of the neighbourhood as well as a range of heritage listed buildings. 
The corporate headquarters and Sydney studios of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) are located in Ultimo Centre which houses an auditorium and recording stood. TCS, NITV and Aurora are also located at Ultimo Centre. 
<img src="https://www.urban.com.au/images/2020/1/20/3_Ultimo.png" alt="" width="552" height="335">
Source: WalkScore 
 
<h2>5. Surry Hills </h2>
Walk Score: 97 | Population: 15,379
A constantly evolving area, Surry Hills is notorious for its in-trend scene and cafe culture.
Hip coffee joints, fashion boutiques and global eateries can be found in terraced houses on Crown and Cleveland streets.
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/4_SURRY%20HILLS%20CAT%20WALL.jpg" alt="" width="552" height="335">
Source: <a href="https://www.piqsels.com" target="_blank">Surry Hills Cat Wall</a>
This trendy neighbourhood is home to pubs, wine bars, galleries and the Surry Hills Library. 
There is a Surry Hills Market held once a month where street food and vintage goods can be found. 
 
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/4_Surrey%20Hills.jpg" alt="" width="553" height="336">
Source: WalkScore 
 
<h2>6. Chippendale </h2>
Walk Score: 97 | Population: 4,069
<img src="https://res.cloudinary.com/dz9xllyip/image/fetch/c_scale,w_580,q_auto:good/https://s3-ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/po.images/2020/1/20/6_Chippendale.jpg" alt="" width="545" height="331">
Source: WalkScore 
 
Following shortly behind are the following:
<h2>7. Millers Point </h2>
Walk Score: 96 | Population: 1,742
<h2>8. Darlinghurst </h2>
Walk Score: 96 | Population: 10,096
<h2>9. Newtown</h2>
Walk Score: 95 | 14,142
<h2>10. Rushcutters Bay </h2>
Walk Score: 94 | Population: 2,378
 
 
 
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