City Planning

Urban Taskforce welcomes today&rsquo;s intervention from the Chief Economist of the NSW Treasury, Steven Walter, who says that post COVID-19, Sydney&rsquo;s CBD will not return to pre-COVID employment levels. That means the planning system must be flexible and allow changes of use to apartments as has happened successfully throughout the world.

Urban Taskforce has been calling for increased flexibility in CBD planning since well before COVID-19.

These calls have been supported by the Commonwealth Productivity Commission, the NSW Productivity Commission, the Reserve Bank of Australia, and now the Chief Economist of the NSW Treasury.&nbsp;

It is time the NSW Minister for Planning, Rob Stokes, started to listen to the very people who said planning approvals are too slow, to prescriptive and too few. &nbsp;Urban Taskforce said that this would result in upward pressure on new housing prices and that is exactly what we are seeing now.

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Urban Taskforce welcomes the support from the Treasurer, Dominic Perrottet, while noting that any change will require much greater flexibility from the City of Sydney. &nbsp;The State Government has the capacity to assert this through the Central Sydney Planning Committee (CSPC) but to date, the Government representatives has used its authority to take on Council&rsquo;s reluctance to support residential apartments in the CBD of Sydney.

A change to the objectives and the permissible uses in the &ldquo;B3&rdquo; zoned commercial core areas would allow for greater flexibility in CBD locations to stimulate CBD investment across Sydney.&nbsp;

Chatswood is a notable example of a CBD centre that has died under Council&rsquo;s obsession with preserving the town centre as &ldquo;commercial core only&rdquo;. &nbsp;There has not been a new building constructed in their B3 zone since the early 1990s.

Steven Walters&rsquo; suggestion that a flexible mixed-use option is the key to the future is timely.

The GSC also needs to heed the changes in employment habits following COVID-19, and focus policy on delivery of new homes as well as jobs. &nbsp;Increasingly homes will be used as workplaces. &nbsp;That means commercial centres and well located industrial areas should also accommodate apartments &ndash; particularly where those centres are close to public transpory.

Tom Forrest is the CEO at the Urban Taskforce

NSW Treasury’s Chief Economist has called for changes in CBD planning to allow more residential utilisation 

jchancellor

Urban Taskforce welcomes NSW Treasury’s chief economist calls for changes in CBD planning

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We have seen an unprecedented rise in the number of people working from home as directed by governments and employers around the world to help stop the spread of COVID-19.
If, as some expect, <a href="https://amp-theguardian-com.cdn.ampproject.org/c/s/amp.theguardian.com/technology/2020/mar/13/covid-19-could-cause-permanent-shift-towards-home-working" target="_blank">people are likely to work from home more often</a> after the pandemic, what will this mean for infrastructure planning? Will cities still need all the multibillion-dollar road, public transport, telecommunications and energy projects, including some already in the pipeline?
World’s largest work-from-home experiment
Remote working was <a href="https://www.flexjobs.com/blog/post/flexjobs-gwa-report-remote-growth/" target="_blank">steadily on the rise</a> well before COVID-19. But the pandemic suddenly escalated the trend into the “<a href="https://time.com/5776660/coronavirus-work-from-home/" target="_blank">world’s largest work-from-home experiment</a>”. Many people who have had to embrace remote working during the pandemic might not want to return to the office every day once restrictions are lifted.
They might have found some work tasks are actually easier to do at home. Or they (and their employers) might have discovered things that weren’t thought possible to do from home are possible. They might then question why they had to go into the workplace so often in the first place.
But what impact will this have on our cities? After all, many aspects of our cities were designed with commuting, not working from home, in mind.
Stress test for NBN and energy networks
From a telecommunications perspective, the huge increase in people working from home challenges the ways in which our existing networks were designed.
<a href="https://www.aussiebroadband.com.au/blog/aussie-broadband-reveals-bandwidth-usage-increases-by-25/" target="_blank">Data from Aussie Broadband</a> show evening peak broadband use has increased 25 per cent during the shutdown. Additional daytime increases are expected due to home schooling with term 2 starting.
<a href="https://www.communications.gov.au/publications/demand-fixed-line-broadband-australia" target="_blank">Research by the then federal Department of Communications</a> in 2018 estimated the average Australian household would need a maximum download speed of 49Mbps during peak-use times by 2026. If more people work from home after COVID-19, the size and times of peak use might need to be recalculated.
Another factor not modelled by the government research was the potential impact of an increase in uploads. This is a typical requirement for people working from home, as they now send large files via their suburban home networks, rather than their office networks in the city.
<a href="https://octopus.energy/blog/domestic-energy-usage-patterns-during-social-distancing/" target="_blank">Recent research</a> by Octopus Energy in the UK has found domestic energy use patterns have also changed since COVID-19. With more people working from home, domestic energy use in the middle of the day is noticeably higher. Some 30 per cent of customers use an average of 1.5kWh more electricity between 9am and 5pm.
Conversely, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/04/08/upshot/electricity-usage-predict-coronavirus-recession" target="_blank">data</a> from the US show electricity use in city centres and industrial areas has declined over the same period.
Less commuting means less congestion
Closer to home, <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/how-coronavirus-turned-peak-hour-into-a-sunday-morning-drive-20200402-p54gem" target="_blank">new data</a> from HERE Technologies illustrate just how much traffic congestion has eased.
Thursday afternoons from 5-5.15pm are normally the worst time of the week for traffic congestion in Melbourne. Last week the city’s roads recorded the sort of free-flowing traffic usually seen at 9.30am on a Sunday. Just 1.8 per cent of Melbourne’s major roads were congested, a fraction of the usual 19.8 per cent at that time.
All of Australia’s major cities are experiencing similar reductions. Transurban has reported traffic is down 43 per cent on the Melbourne airport toll road, 29 per cent on its Sydney roads and 27 per cent in Queensland.
Passengers are also staying away from public transport in droves. For example, South Australian government <a href="https://indaily.com.au/news/2020/03/30/the-overland-in-limbo-public-transport-numbers-crash/">statistics</a> for Adelaide show passenger numbers have slumped by 69 per cent for buses, by 74 per cent for trains and by 77 per cent for trams, compared with this time last year.
What does this mean for infrastructure planning?
With these trends in mind, future investment in roads, public transport, energy and telecommunications will need to consider the likelihood of more people working from home.
Prior to COVID-19, <a href="https://theconversation.com/amp/flexible-working-the-neglected-congestion-busting-solution-for-our-cities-122130" target="_blank">Melbourne research</a> found 64 per cent of city workers regularly worked from home, but usually only one day a week, even though 50 per cent of their work could be done anywhere. While the changes we are now seeing are a result of extreme circumstances, it is not inconceivable that, on average, everybody could continue to work from home one extra day per week after the pandemic. Even this would have significant implications for long-term urban planning.
The most recent <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/2071.0.55.001%7E2016%7EMain%20Features%7EFeature%20Article:%20Journey%20to%20Work%20in%20Australia%7E40" target="_blank">Australian Census data</a> show 9.2 million people typically commute to work each day. If people worked from home an average of one extra day per week, this would take 1.8 million commuters off the roads and public transport each day.
Many road and public transport projects will be based on forecasts of continuing increases in commuter numbers. If, instead, people work from home more often, this could call into question the need for those projects.
Areas outside city centres would also require more attention, as working from home creates a need for more evenly distributed networks of services for the likes of energy and telecommunications. Interestingly, such a trend could support long-term decentralisation plans, like those outlined in <a href="https://www.urban.com.au/property-observer" target="_blank">Melbourne’s Metropolitan Planning Strategy</a>. And if such change encourages more people to live away from the big cities, it also could help to make housing more affordable.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/john-l-hopkins-255434" target="_blank">John L Hopkins</a>, Innovation Fellow, <a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/swinburne-university-of-technology-767" target="_blank">Swinburne University of Technology</a>
This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/if-more-of-us-work-from-home-after-coronavirus-well-need-to-rethink-city-planning-136261" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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j.ballantyne1990-6AQqhLzZaK

If more of us work from home after coronavirus we'll need to rethink city planning

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As Australian cities grow larger – and denser – pressure is increasing on public transport infrastructure to address congestion, meet new demand and ensure our cities capitalise on the benefits of population growth.
Transport planners are responding by providing personalised journeys, incorporating ride-share services and partnering with the private sector to induce more people to take public transport and help governments make the most of existing transport assets.
Two key trends are influencing the way that public transport is being built, says Terry Lee-Williams, strategic transport advisor at engineering firm <a href="https://www.arup.com/" target="_blank">ARUP.</a>
The first is a recognition from planners and policymakers that public transport is a better investment in terms of driving economic growth than more highway capacity. This has led to an “explosion in investment” in heavy rail, high capacity bus, and tram and light rail services.
Secondly, there is a focus on personalisation, which is giving rise to mobility-as-a-service – the integration of various forms of transport services into a single mobility service accessible on demand, often via an app.
“How can you make the individual feel like their needs are being catered for?” Lee-Williams says. By encouraging people to make choices that are in the greater public and economic interest, rather than making choices which are solely about their comfort, which tend not to have the same economic benefit, he explains. Chief among these choices is the decision as to whether or not they drive their own car for a journey, instead of taking public or shared transport.
Planners in cities, including Helsinki, Stockholm, Vienna and Austin, are focused on mobility-as-a-service and how to make it work, with the dual purpose of providing convenience for citizens and, importantly, extending the life of transport assets.
Nudging people out of their cars is a central aim and on-demand services form an important part of public transport strategy, even for mass transit services. “With rail obviously that's a challenge, because a train carries between 800 and 2000 people depending on its size,” says Lee-Williams.
In Sydney, the solution is the new Metro rail service, which will ultimately connect the north-west region with the south-west via the CBD and will have trains arrive every four minutes. “If you have a train every four minutes, that's as close to on-demand as you ever need to get. Frequency is the substitute for personalised demand-driven service in the rail space,” Lee-Williams says.
On-demand services fill in the last mile
The Victorian government is building a similar metro system in Melbourne. <a href="https://bigbuild.vic.gov.au/projects/suburban-rail-loop" target="_blank">The Suburban Rail Loop</a> will be in addition to the existing ‘hub and spoke’ rail lines connecting the suburbs with the CBD – instead it links the city’s middle suburbs in a loop around the CBD.
Despite the interest in new public transport applications and infrastructure, Lee-Williams isn’t certain that investing in new transport applications makes good sense. “There's a lot of venture capital being burnt through off the back of people thinking that these are solutions, when they haven't defined what problem they are solving,” he says.
Uber, for instance, is burning through cash and is yet to turn a profit, despite its huge take up around the world and its disruption of the taxi and automotive sectors.
More opportunities come from the development of land that has been opened up to a larger population as a result of new mass-transit infrastructure, or from developing the land and airspace above a railway station, which is valuable real estate because of its convenience.
States including Queensland, Victoria and NSW are using the mobility-as-a-service model for on-demand public transport, which allows users to book a shared ride from their home or office or another location in a similar way that people book Uber. Unlike Uber, however, it operates in a specific geographic area and is designed to fill in gaps to work with the existing public transport services, as well as offer customers a better service.
In particular, passengers are provided with what’s known as a ‘last-mile’ service, where they are picked up from their homes, or another location, and dropped at a transport hub such as a train station or a bus stop from where they can use a mass-transit service. The idea is that the convenience will induce more people to leave the car at home and take public transport instead.
Seamlessly stitching ride share and mass transit together
In Sydney, private sector-owned Keolis Downer, GoGet cars and Transport for NSW have teamed up to trial on-demand services in two locations, known as <a href="https://www.keoride.com.au/" target="_blank">Keoride</a>.
In the Northern Beaches, Keoride provides first and last mile connections from Palm Beach to North Narrabeen to bus stops on the Northern Beaches B-Line using GoGet passenger cars. In Macquarie Park in the city’s northwest, Keoride operates a service to transport workers living within the Macquarie Park employment precinct using small vans and shuttles. 
These services help the existing public transport system do more with less, says Sue Wiblin, Manager of New Mobilities at Keolis Downer.
For instance, the service is flexible and adapts its itinerary in real-time, based on customer demand. The journey is more efficient and convenient for travellers.
“What that means for the public transport authority, is that you can build patronage in a way that you could never do with the old service. You’re creating more revenue, not only to your own demand leg but into your network generally,” says Wiblin.
The services – which commuters pay for the with same Opal card as they use for bus and rail travel – cost about the same as a bus or train fare and are subsidised by the government. Wiblin says all public transport services need some sort of subsidy and on-demand transport is no exception.
For instance, the Northern Beaches service operates with about the same sort of subsidy as a low-performing bus route would receive. “You can replace a low-frequency, low-performing bus route with an on-demand service for about the same price,” she says.
Additionally, such services can significantly increase patronage and thereby reduce the cost per passenger. They also help get more cars off the roads.
For customers, the ability to travel when and where they want is a big benefit. It contributes to changing the perception of public transport and encourages more people out of their cars. It also creates more social inclusion by helping people who might otherwise be stuck at home get out and about, says Wiblin.
Governments seek private sector involvement
Underpinning new transport systems globally will be developments in mobile phone apps, which seamlessly sew the various mass transit and ride-share transport legs together, allowing the consumer to automatically plan and pay for their trips.
“At the end of the day, it is all about convenience and being able to access different opportunities in the most convenient and cost-effective manner,” says Praveen Thakur, Lead Partner for InfraTech and Future Mobility at KPMG in Australia.
The apps incorporate both private and public sector transport legs and represent a coming together of the two previously separate parts of the transport infrastructure. “If having the private sector involved provides a better outcome for citizens, then that is a good approach for the public sector or the government to pursue,” says Thakur.
There’s also another advantage, says Thakur. The more public transport authorities can incorporate private transport, the more they are able to squeeze out of existing transport assets and the longer they can delay the cost of upgrading.
Transport for NSW is taking such an approach. By opening up its trip and scheduling data to the private sector, it’s giving developers the chance to provide new services. “We're trying to achieve better outcomes for customers, and really it's finding the right capability to be able to do that,” says Micah Starkis, Director of Open Data Apps and Innovation at Transport for NSW.
One recent success is the <a href="https://transportnsw.info/apps/tripview" target="_blank">TripView</a> app, which provides travellers with a range of trip-planning and timetabling services on their phones, including the ability to see how much space there will be on the next bus and the expected arrival time at their destination.
Data-sharing with the private sector is part of an increasing willingness of government transport operators to work with the private sector, both in the digital world and in incorporating private sector transport legs such as ride-shares into journeys.
The data also helps transport operators optimise the use of their networks to make them run more efficiently and respond to customer demands. “There's only so many cars that can fit on the road, and we’re continuously working on ways to optimise the network more effectively to manage the growing population,” says Starkis.
Ultimately, it’s about getting more people from A to B with mass public transport as the main pillar. “What we're really focusing on at the moment is delivering services that are more convenient, so customers have a viable alternative to taking single passenger car trips,” he says.
“With concepts like mobility as a service, if you can go to one app and just walk out the front door, it's suddenly more convenient to use your phone and an app than to walk to your garage and jump into your car.”
Christopher Niesche is a a business journalist and content producer.
This was first published on <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://westpaciq.westpac.com.au/Article/40076" target="_blank" data-auth="NotApplicable">Westpac IQ</a>
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jrobinson-rf4aSBido9

Why public transport is getting personal: Christopher Niesche

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GUEST OBSERVATION
More shared spaces, safer streets and fewer cars in the city are all part of a <a href="https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/news-and-media/Pages/Ten-year-transport-plan-to-create-more-space-for-people.aspx" target="_blank">newly released 10-year plan</a> by the City of Melbourne. <a href="https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/about-council/committees-meetings/meeting-archive/pages/Future-Melbourne-Committee-7-May-2019.aspx" target="_blank">This evening</a>, Town Hall will consider the ambitious <a href="https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/about-council/committees-meetings/meeting-archive/MeetingAgendaItemAttachments/856/15289/AGENDA%20ITEM%206.4.pdf" target="_blank">draft transport strategy</a> that would boost pedestrian, cycling and tram access across the CBD’s <a href="https://ictedservices.typepad.com/.a/6a00e5537796fd883401b7c951605c970b-pi" target="_blank">Hoddle Grid</a>.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272690/original/file-20190506-103053-17wr7re.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272690/original/file-20190506-103053-17wr7re.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
A map of central Melbourne, with the Hoddle Grid, including the ‘little’ streets, at its heart. <a class="source" href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_of_central_Melbourne_3384553.PNG" target="_blank">Wikimedia</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/" target="_blank">CC BY-SA</a>
A significant amount of on-street parking and road space would be reallocated to walking, cycling and greenery. Some “little” streets would be converted to shared zones that give priority to pedestrians, with reduced speed limits. <a href="https://www.sfmta.com/demand-responsive-parking" target="_blank">Variable parking pricing</a> would be trialled and <a href="https://www.gizmodo.com.au/2015/12/how-to-fix-traffic-congestion-in-australia/" target="_blank">congestion charging</a> not be ruled out.
The strategy recognises the role of technology in delivering community benefits. It supports trials of <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/11/5/1262" target="_blank">shared mobility</a> (all types of conveniently accessible rental vehicles) and <a href="https://theconversation.com/for-mobility-as-a-service-maas-to-solve-our-transport-woes-some-things-need-to-change-105119" target="_blank">tech-enabled seamless travel solutions</a> (people using mobility as a service, typically via an app and single payment platform, when they need it).
The result of these digital technology-driven mobility shifts is a lower proportion of people owning vehicles.
The strategy also foresees transport in the city will be emissions-free by 2050. On-demand <a href="https://theconversation.com/get-set-for-take-off-in-electric-aircraft-the-next-transport-disruption-114178" target="_blank">travel and deliveries by air</a> could be in the mix of solutions.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272671/original/file-20190506-103078-14bcp3p.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272671/original/file-20190506-103078-14bcp3p.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
An analysis of public feedback to the city council on walking in the city. <a class="source" href="https://participate.melbourne.vic.gov.au/transportstrategy" target="_blank">Participate Melbourne/Melbourne City</a>
While the plan might seem radical, these policies are sensible, comprehensive and crucial to the city’s future. They’re aligned with <a href="https://theconversation.com/four-ways-our-cities-can-cut-transport-emissions-in-a-hurry-avoid-shift-share-and-improve-106076" target="_blank">best practice</a> in leading global cities.
Some cities have far more aggressive policies and emissions reduction targets. Around the world, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com.au/cities-going-car-free-ban-2018-12?r=US&amp;IR=T" target="_blank">15 cities</a> are already starting to ban cars altogether from urban centres.
Melbourne’s transport strategy “refresh” follows a year of reviews and public consultation (you can see the public responses <a href="https://participate.melbourne.vic.gov.au/transportstrategy" target="_blank">here</a>).
There will be implementation challenges, which the draft strategy acknowledges. It notes the need to provide access for people with disability.
The plan also includes ongoing access for commercial vehicles, delivery vans and emergency services.
Responding to travel trends
The new strategy recognises that Melburnians’ travel habits have changed and will continue to adapt to modern-day urban living. This includes recent trends towards increased use of public transport and active travel options such as cycling and walking.
Today, walking accounts for about 90% of all travel in the Hoddle Grid, yet pedestrians are <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/cbd-drivers-could-spend-more-time-at-red-lights-under-council-plan-20190502-p51jkg" target="_blank">allocated only 24% of street space</a>.
Across Melbourne since 2003, the <a href="https://www.bitre.gov.au/publications/2018/files/infrastructure-statistics-yearbook-2018.pdf" target="_blank">growth in public transport use has been around three times the growth in private transport use</a>. Over this time the <a href="https://www.bitre.gov.au/publications/2018/files/infrastructure-statistics-yearbook-2018.pdf" target="_blank">growth in car use has been slower than population growth</a>.
Growth in private and public transport passenger kilometres in Melbourne since 2003
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272643/original/file-20190505-103045-1dxxfi3.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="">
More than 900,000 people move into, within and through the municipality each day, the strategy notes. This is expected to climb to 1.4 million people a day in 2036. The city’s streets and places would need to adapt to support these changes.
Another policy in the draft strategy is to reduce through-traffic. Around 43% of cars coming into the city are heading for a destination beyond the Hoddle Grid. Spencer Street, King Street and William Street carry most of that traffic.
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272657/original/file-20190505-103053-1sw4vip.JPG?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="">
Proportion of through-traffic entering the Hoddle Grid at each entry point. <a class="source" href="https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/about-council/committees-meetings/meeting-archive/MeetingAgendaItemAttachments/856/15289/AGENDA%20ITEM%206.4.pdf" target="_blank">City of Melbourne, Draft Transport Strategy 2030, page 53</a>
The strategy calls for the city council to work with government to contain through-traffic to freeways and arterial roads. Removing non-essential vehicle trips can free up space to make streets safer and more efficient. It also improves access for emergency vehicles, on-road public transport and deliveries.
Rethinking transport priorities
The draft strategy represents a call for action to overcome unsustainable transport practices. For Melbourne to thrive, the transport priorities need to be rearranged to meet travel demand, emissions targets and citizens’ changing needs.
In adopting this approach, the strategy reflects the changing landscape and emerging trends of urban mobility, as well as community expectations.
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/272653/original/file-20190505-103068-t7wyc4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="">
The changing landscape of urban mobility. <a class="source" href="https://www2.theiet.org/resources/books/transport/lowcarbmob.cfm" target="_blank">Low Carbon Mobility for Future Cities: Principles and Applications</a>, Author provided
The draft strategy gives priority to policy solutions that will improve liveability and promote a safe and healthy city. These focus on active modes of transport, integrating transport and land use, investments in pedestrian-oriented initiatives, optimising use of scarce space and encouraging public transport.
The strategy also looks to overcome barriers to urban innovation. It points to the need for more agile regulation to support emerging modes of travel such as <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-problem-isnt-dockless-share-bikes-its-the-lack-of-bike-parking-102985" target="_blank">dockless bikes</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/banning-tiny-vehicles-would-deny-us-smarter-ways-to-get-around-our-cities-113111" target="_blank">e-scooters</a>.
What’s the next step?
Councillors will consider the draft strategy at a <a href="https://www.melbourne.vic.gov.au/about-council/committees-meetings/meeting-archive/pages/Future-Melbourne-Committee-7-May-2019.aspx" target="_blank">Future Melbourne Committee meeting today</a>. If endorsed, it will be released for further public consultation and feedback for six weeks.
The strategy will require a shift in travel behaviour. Whether the public embraces or objects to the new policy directions remains to be seen. The details will be critical.
Many would be excited by this vision and would want certain policies rolled out today, not by 2030. Others might be sceptical and some would still want to drive into the inner city, even if other attractive travel options are made available.
If well executed and implemented, the strategy’s proposals will improve liveability and access to the city. Together with some state government projects, such as <a href="https://metrotunnel.vic.gov.au/about-the-project" target="_blank">Melbourne Metro</a>, these policies will help to modernise the city’s infrastructure to meet the needs for smart and sustainable growth and jobs.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116518/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;">
Hussein Dia, Professor of Future Urban Mobility, Swinburne University of Technology
This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/move-away-from-a-car-dominated-city-looks-radical-but-its-a-sensible-plan-for-a-liveable-future-116518" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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Move away from a car-dominated city looks radical but it’s a sensible plan for a liveable future

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GUEST OBSERVATION
The announcement that President Joko Widodo’s government will <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-29/jakarta-to-no-longer-be-capital-of-indonesia-planning-minister/11056306" target="_blank">move Indonesia’s capital</a> to another location, due to the severity of <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-29/jakarta,-a-city-under-pressure-from-a-growing-population/8480226" target="_blank">human-induced degradation in Jakarta</a>, highlights a key tension for cities today. In the face of increasingly unsustainable urban environments, do we retrofit existing cities, or relocate and build new cities to achieve greater sustainability?
The answer is both. But each has its challenges.
Creating new cities
The goal of turning cities from sustainability problems to solutions is driving a suite of “future city” innovations. These include the planning and development of whole new cities.
An <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2018/08/smart-cities-forest-city-belmont/" target="_blank">increasing number of countries</a> are planning to build cities from scratch using technological innovation to achieve more sustainable urban development. <a href="https://www.nst.com.my/property/2018/09/411211/forest-city-%E2%80%94-model-other-cities" target="_blank">Forest City in Malaysia</a>, <a href="http://smartcityaz.com/" target="_blank">Belmont smart city</a> in the United States and the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/aug/06/five-years-ago-there-was-nothing-inside-duqm-the-city-rising-from-the-sand-oman-city-sand-luxury-hotels-housing" target="_blank">Sino-Oman Industrial City</a> are just some of the examples.
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Forest City is Malaysia’s biggest development project.
The urban ambition includes creating carless and walkable cities, green cities able to produce oxygen through eco-skyscrapers, high-speed internet embedded in the urban fabric, the capacity to convert waste into energy, and reclaiming land to create new strategic trade opportunities.
However, striking the right balance between innovative ideas and democratic expectations, including the public right to the city, remains a challenge.
<a href="http://www.mxcfilm.com/" target="_blank">The Minnesota Experimental City</a> offers a cautionary tale. The aim was to solve urban problems by creating a new city. It would use the latest technology including nuclear energy, automated cars and a domed roof enclosure.
Despite significant government and financial backing, including its own state agency, the Minnesota project failed due to a lack of public understanding and local support for a top-down futuristic project.
Who gets left behind?
In 1960, Brazil moved its capital from Rio de Janeiro to the futuristic city of <a href="https://brasilialifeafterdesign.com/" target="_blank">Brasilia</a>. While the city was designed to accommodate both rich and poor, it quickly became unaffordable for the average family. Half a century on, it was <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-20632277" target="_blank">reported</a>: "The poor have been shunted out to satellite cities, which range from proper well-built cities to something more like a shanty town."
In Indonesia, more than 30 million people – <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2014/09/20/the-need-a-national-urban-development-policy-indonesia" target="_blank">a fifth of the nation’s urban residents</a> and more than a tenth of the <a href="http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/indonesia-population/" target="_blank">269 million population</a> – live in Greater Jakarta. The capital city Jakarta is just one part of a larger mega-city agglomeration, the world’s <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jakarta" target="_blank">second-largest after Greater Tokyo</a>. This vast connected urban meta-region is known as <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jabodetabek" target="_blank">Jabodetabek</a>, from the initials of the cities within it: Jakarta (with a population of 10 million), Bogor (1 million), Depok (2.1 million), Tangerang (2 million), South Tangerang (1.5 million) and Bekasi (2.7 million).
A key reason for moving the capital is that Jakarta is prone to serious flooding and is <a href="https://www.deltares.nl/app/uploads/2015/09/Sinking-cities.pdf" target="_blank">rapidly sinking</a>. Jakarta also suffers <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-04-29/jakarta,-a-city-under-pressure-from-a-growing-population/8480226" target="_blank">overpopulation, severe traffic gridlock, slums</a> and a lack of critical urban infrastructure such as drainage and sanitation.
Relocating the capital away from the <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-29/jakarta-to-no-longer-be-capital-of-indonesia-planning-minister/11056306" target="_blank">crowded main island of Java</a> offers the opportunity to better plan the political and administrative centre using the latest urban design features and technology.
Two key questions arise. If environmental degradation and overpopulation are the key issues, what will become of the largely remaining population of Greater Jakarta? At a national scale, how will this relocation help overcome the <a href="https://theconversation.com/two-decades-of-economic-growth-benefited-only-the-richest-20-how-severe-is-inequality-in-indonesia-101138" target="_blank">socio-economic and spatial disparities</a> that exist in Indonesia?
Egypt, for example, is <a href="https://theconversation.com/egypt-is-building-a-new-capital-city-from-scratch-heres-how-to-avoid-inequality-and-segregation-103402" target="_blank">building a new capital city</a> to overcome severe urban congestion and overcrowding in Greater Cairo. But there is no guarantee the new capital will resolve these issues if the emphasis is solely on technological innovation, without adequate attention to urban equity and fairness.
More of the same in Australia
The Australian population is <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/mf/3222.0" target="_blank">projected to grow to 36 million in the next 30 years</a>. This is focusing political, policy and public attention on what this means for the future of the nation’s cities.
Despite all the advances that have occurred in technology, the arts, architecture, design and the sciences, there is surprisingly little innovation or public discussion about what might be possible for 21st-century Australian settlements beyond the capital cities.
Future Australian city planning and development focuses largely on enlarging and intensifying the footprints of existing major cities. The current urban policy trajectory is in-fill development and expansion of the existing state capital mega-city regions, where <a href="https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Latestproducts/3218.0Main%20Features12017-18?opendocument&amp;tabname=Summary&amp;prodno=3218.0&amp;issue=2017-18&amp;num=&amp;view=" target="_blank">two-thirds of the population live</a>. But what is lost through this approach?
In Australia only two ambitious “new city” plans have been put forward in the last 50 years: <a href="https://crawford.anu.edu.au/pdf/pep/pep-283.pdf" target="_blank">the Multifunction Polis</a> (MFP) and <a href="http://www.clara.com.au/index" target="_blank">the CLARA Plan</a>.
In the late 1980s the MFP was envisaged as a high-tech city of the future with nuclear power, modern communication and Asian investment. It failed to gain the necessary political, investment and public support and was never built.
The current CLARA Plan proposes building up to eight new regional smart cities connected by a high-speed rail system linking Sydney and Melbourne via Canberra. Each of these cities is designed to be compact, environmentally sustainable and just a quick train trip away from the capital cities.
CLARA has outlined a “<a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-what-is-value-capture-and-what-does-it-mean-for-cities-58776" target="_blank">value capture</a>” business model based on private city land development, not “government coffer” funding. How these new cities propose to function within the constitutional framework of Australia is as yet unclear and untested.
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The privately funded CLARA plan is to build up to eight compact, sustainable, smart cities connected via high-speed rail.
A bipartisan challenge
Are we thinking too narrowly when we talk about future Australian cities?
The “future city” prompts us to rethink and re-imagine the complex nature and make-up of our urban settlements, and the role of critical infrastructure and planning within them.
The future of Australian cities will require creativity, vision (even courage) to respond effectively to the challenges and opportunities of sustainable development.
This will not be the remit of any one political party, but a bipartisan national urban settlement agenda that affects and involves all Australians.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/116266/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;">
Wendy Steele, Associate Professor, Centre of Urban Research and Urban Futures Enabling Capability Platform, RMIT University
This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/indonesia-isnt-the-only-country-planning-new-cities-why-not-australia-116266" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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Indonesia isn’t the only country planning new cities. Why not Australia?

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GUEST OBSERVATION
Australia’s sprawling cities present many challenges to sustainability, but planning innovations can help achieve at least half of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. 
Thirty years after the landmark <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Our_Common_Future" target="_blank">Brundtland report</a>, the debate on urban sustainability continues. Urban planners are still grappling with the challenges of making our cities sustainable.
Urban sustainability is an evolving concept. Our <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/https://www.routledge.com/Global-Planning-Innovations-for-Urban-Sustainability/Darchen-Searle/p/book/9780815357575" target="_blank">edited volume</a> provides planning solutions for eight of the 17 UN <a href="https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/sustainable-development-goals/" target="_blank">Sustainable Development Goals</a>. Has the concept of urban sustainability made a difference in planning practice? Our answer is yes.
Based on <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01944363.2016.1214080?src=recsys" target="_blank">Campbell’s planner’s triangle</a>, urban sustainability encompasses three dimensions:
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social sustainability
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environmental sustainability
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economic sustainability.
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Sustainability solutions involve trade-offs between these three dimensions. A planning innovation might solve a challenge in terms of social sustainability but be less efficient in regard to the two other dimensions.
The <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01944363.2016.1213656" target="_blank">Sustainable City paradigm</a> has been a dominant school of thought since the 1990s. Yet it is still unclear how cities incorporate this paradigm in urban policies.
Influential works on urban policies have emphasised the transfer of urban policies from one context to another – known as <a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/1468-2427.12191_6" target="_blank">mobile urbanism</a>. Our book highlights evidence to the contrary. Planning innovations are generally shaped by local contextual factors and are not imported.
Of the planning innovations presented in 12 case study chapters in our book, we present those most relevant to Australia later in this article.
Key issues facing Australian cities
Australian cities have urgent sustainability issues that require fresh policy initiatives.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/four-ways-our-cities-can-cut-transport-emissions-in-a-hurry-avoid-shift-share-and-improve-106076" target="_blank">Transport use is too reliant on cars</a>. As a result, fossil fuel use and greenhouse gas emissions remain far too high. Large areas of land are given over to <a href="https://people.hofstra.edu/geotrans/eng/ch6en/conc6en/ch6c1en" target="_blank">road space</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/empty-car-parks-everywhere-but-nowhere-to-park-how-cities-can-do-better-99031" target="_blank">parking</a>.
High car use goes hand in hand with low-density <a href="https://theconversation.com/to-cut-urban-sprawl-we-need-quality-infill-housing-displays-to-win-over-the-public-63930" target="_blank">urban sprawl</a>. This requires longer trips to everything, extra resources for longer pipes, wires and roads, more <a href="https://theconversation.com/were-investing-heavily-in-urban-greening-so-how-are-our-cities-doing-83354" target="_blank">losses of agricultural land and natural vegetation</a>, and more hard surfaces that <a href="https://theconversation.com/cities-can-grow-without-wrecking-reefs-and-oceans-heres-how-107263" target="_blank">increase water pollution run-off as well as heat</a> in summer.
And the design of low-density development produces even more unsustainability. Planning controls have forced developers to reduce the size of new housing lots, but <a href="https://www.domain.com.au/news/australias-homes-the-smallest-in-two-decades-but-still-second-largest-globally-commsec-20171120-gznaxc/" target="_blank">house sizes have barely reduced in size</a>. As a result, <a href="https://theconversation.com/vanishing-australian-backyards-leave-us-vulnerable-to-the-stresses-of-city-life-81479" target="_blank">backyards are disappearing</a>. Lost along with them are <a href="https://theconversation.com/can-trees-really-cool-our-cities-down-44099" target="_blank">trees to cool the air</a> and sequester carbon, and physical activity opportunities for children.
Australia’s cities also have major social sustainability issues. Increasing numbers of professional and managerial households have priced poorer residents out of the best areas of the cities.
The result has been <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-did-the-rich-man-say-to-the-poor-man-why-spatial-inequality-in-australia-is-no-joke-73841" target="_blank">heightened spatial polarisation</a>. Lower-income households have been forced to live further out in suburbs with inadequate public transport and jobs. Solutions for creating places in the suburbs were presented in a recent <a href="https://sees.uq.edu.au/event/12638/uq-placemaking-events" target="_blank">summit</a> organised by UQ Planning.
What’s happening in cities overseas?
The innovative ways that overseas cities have responded to similar sustainability challenges can provide pathways for Australian cities to follow.
Helsinki’s experience suggests one means of overcoming a sticking point in achieving higher-density development: getting around NIMBY opposition and achieving community agreement on where denser development could go. In Helsinki, the public participated in a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_participation_geographic_information_system" target="_blank">public participation geographic information system</a> exercise. This mapped their preferences for areas that should not be developed for apartments.
Well-intended planning controls can hinder higher-density development, even in desirable locations. In Los Angeles’ historic core, old office buildings lay vacant after a new CBD office precinct outside the old core was developed. Residential use requirements for on-site parking and open space and for a building setback from the front property boundary hindered the conversion of the old buildings to residential use. By relaxing these requirements, the city’s 1999 <a href="https://preservation.lacity.org/incentives/adaptive-reuse-ordinance" target="_blank">adaptive reuse ordinance</a> was a key to regenerating the old core as a residential area.
The adaptive reuse of historical buildings has helped regenerate downtown Los Angeles.
The challenge of reducing car use without large public outlays remains daunting, but Seville shows one way this can be achieved. There, a complete bicycle network of 180km – 12% of the total road length in the city – has been built since 2007. Separation from car traffic has been achieved through bollards and the like, or by parked cars where the bikeway is built on a footpath.
Cycle trips now make up about 10% of total vehicle trips in Seville, six times the previous share. The driving forces for the network were the formation of a cyclists’ association, public demonstrations and the election of a left-of–centre city government that gave political support.
The demolition of motorways sounds like an extreme way of reducing car use, but the experience of Seoul shows it can have big economic and environmental benefits. The motorway built over a former stream in the central city was demolished in the early 2000s. The stream was restored to a natural state.
This has reduced air pollution and the heat island impact of the former motorway, and created an ecological passage to the main river in Seoul. Recreational and cultural amenities along the restored stream have made it a desirable area and generated new economic activities. New bus services close to the stream have replaced car access.
The strong powers and finances of the city government and a supportive mayor made the <a href="https://urban-regeneration.worldbank.org/Seoul" target="_blank">Cheonggyecheon Restoration Project</a> possible.
Spatial polarisation in cities results from market forces dominating urban redevelopment.
The experience of Vancouver illustrates how inclusionary planning can ameliorate these forces. City-sponsored local resident groups have been at the centre of making strategies to renew the city’s low-income Downtown Eastside area.
Instead of the high-tech-based development originally proposed, priority has been given to developing employment more suited to the low-income residents’ needs, including opportunities in the informal sector. City council-owned sites have been used for social innovation hubs, services to help residents find jobs, and a street market for a street vendors’ collective.
As explained in our book, these planning innovations are mostly the product of local contextual factors. Therefore, planning innovations for Australian cities will require local involvement in shaping sustainability solutions. Incentives such as changes in regulatory frameworks and tax subsidies might also be needed to develop planning innovations.<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/107091/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important;">
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/sebastien-darchen-6781" target="_blank">Sebastien Darchen</a>, Senior Lecturer in Planning, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/the-university-of-queensland-805" target="_blank">The University of Queensland</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/glen-searle-103536" target="_blank">Glen Searle</a>, Honorary Associate Professor in Planning, University of Queensland and, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-sydney-841" target="_blank">University of Sydney</a>
This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/our-cities-fall-short-on-sustainability-but-planning-innovations-offer-local-solutions-107091" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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Our cities fall short on sustainability, but planning innovations offer local solutions: Sebastien Darchen & Glen Searle

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EXPERT OBSERVER
How did imaginative planners past envision the future?
<img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/222918/original/file-20180613-153645-1muyq2a.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180613 153645 1muyq2a.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1">
Some fanciful plans were imagined for Melbourne back in the day – some included jet cars.
Imagine for a moment a vast underground rail network that stretches as far as Melbourne’s suburban fringes. Trains arrive and depart every five to ten minutes, a station entrance is never further than a 15-minute walk away, and you don’t need to catch a train into the CBD and out again to travel between east and west, or north and south.
Trams are separated from road traffic. Cyclists are separated too, by reorganising lanes so parking spaces and bike lanes switch sides. That’s the dream, right?
There have been many dreams for Melbourne since European occupation. Plans for an immense extension to the grid of streets making up the CBD, a significant expansion of railways, and <a href="https://participate.melbourne.vic.gov.au/future/history-future-imagining-melbourne" target="_blank">daily jet-car</a> commutes were just some of ideas past planners presented to feed our imaginations.
Looking back at Melbourne’s planning history, we might be able to find some inspiration to deal with rapid growth by thinking outside the box.
Extending the CBD
The Melbourne CBD square bordered by Flinders Street, Spring Street, La Trobe Street and Spencer Street is known as the Hoddle Grid. This <a href="http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00677b.htm" target="_blank">grid was laid out</a> when there were fewer than 200 settlers, but is now the centre for a city of nearly 5 million people.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/226414/original/file-20180706-122280-10r8150.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/226414/original/file-20180706-122280-10r8150.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
The Melbourne swamp was a large saltwater lagoon located to the immediate west of the present CBD.<a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/Before_1880.PNG"> </a>
Numerous proposals in the late 19th century aimed to extend the Hoddle Grid. These often focused on repurposing the West Melbourne swamp (a large saltwater lagoon to the immediate west of the city which was fully drained in 1890) to join the Yarra River to accommodate a network of shipping canals.
Engineer <a href="https://participate.melbourne.vic.gov.au/future/history-future-imagining-melbourne" target="_blank">John Millar proposed</a>, in 1860, to extend the grid westward into Port Melbourne (then called Sandridge). Most famously this proposal is remembered for Millar’s idea to redevelop the swamp (which had already been partially drained) into a botanical garden to resemble the British Isles. The intention was to preserve and cultivate plants native to England, Scotland and Ireland.
He made provisions for large ships to have docking areas, and for parks, gardens and ornamental grounds. This plan was lost in the flux of the times. Had it been realised, it would have drastically reshaped the young city and provided a still lacking interconnectedness with the western parts of the inner city.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224340/original/file-20180622-137725-5t6f6c.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224340/original/file-20180622-137725-5t6f6c.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a> J
John Millar wanted to extend the city westward and drain the swamp. <a href="http://digital.slv.vic.gov.au/view/action/singleViewer.do?dvs=1531107422136~354&amp;locale=en_US&amp;metadata_object_ratio=10&amp;show_metadata=true&amp;VIEWER_URL=/view/action/singleViewer.do?&amp;preferred_usage_type=VIEW_MAIN&amp;DELIVERY_RULE_ID=10&amp;frameId=1&amp;usePid1=true&amp;usePid2=true"> </a>
An 1875 proposal for a shipping canal and docks west of the Hoddle Grid set out to achieve a similar outcome. A large canal would have cut past Sandridge to the west across the Yarra River, where a smaller canal would have connected the Moonee Ponds Creek near present-day South Kensington railway station. A familiar grid pattern would have filled the area, complete with intersecting railways.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/223994/original/file-20180620-137750-1m4nt7n.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/223994/original/file-20180620-137750-1m4nt7n.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
The outskirts of Melbourne’s CBD were peppered with docks and shipping canals in past proposals. <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/114194"> </a>
Extension of railways
Melbourne’s railways have been imagined and re-imagined many times over since the first train departed in 1854. Observed to <a href="https://grattan.edu.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/180_mares_urban_rail_essay_cities.pdf" target="_blank">resemble a hand</a>, the suburban lines all converge at the CBD.
Throughout the 1900s, the Tramways Board was responsible for Melbourne’s tram network. In the 1920s, the board proposed a <a href="http://www.hawthorntramdepot.org.au/papers/ecohist/ecohist3.htm" target="_blank">significant expansion of the suburban tram network</a>. One of the proposals was to introduce services across Bell Street, Moreland Road and Dawson Streets in the northern suburbs to not only have radial routes (which converge in the city) but also allow <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/115243" target="_blank">orbital</a> routes (which can intersect radial lines, without having to go into the city and back out again).
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224158/original/file-20180621-137728-aez4t.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224158/original/file-20180621-137728-aez4t.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
The Tramway Board proposed orbital and radial tram routes across the northern suburbs in the 1920s. <a href="https://www.propertyobserver.com.au/http://handle.slv.vic.gov.au/10381/115347"> </a>
Throughout the 1920s the then Metropolitan Town Planning Commission compiled the <a href="https://www.planning.vic.gov.au/policy-and-strategy/planning-for-melbourne/plan-for-general-development-1929" target="_blank">Plan for General Development</a>, which identified urgent works and improvements to correct haphazard land boom development. One such proposal was the northern city underground to connect the Jolimont rail yards to North Melbourne railway station beneath Victoria Parade.
This was intended to distribute pedestrian traffic between Flinders Street, Prince’s Bridge and the new northern stations, as well as reduce walking times to stations from 15 minutes in some areas to within five and ten minutes anywhere in the grid. This scheme was abandoned partially due to the onset of the Great Depression.
<a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224168/original/file-20180621-137717-1g9p44r.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/224168/original/file-20180621-137717-1g9p44r.jpeg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt=""></a>
The 1929 plan for an underground railway in the north was partly abandoned due to the Great Depression.
Imagining for the future
Everybody involved in the planning process should spare a thought for yesterday’s Melbournes of tomorrow. Like those before us, we are yet to tackle one of the biggest challenges of getting many people places quickly.
We should continue questioning our dependence on motorcars, which are neither practical nor efficient for achieving the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-30-minute-city-how-do-we-put-the-political-rhetoric-into-practice-56136" target="_blank">30-minute city</a>. If we can seriously consider <a href="https://blogs.crikey.com.au/theurbanist/2017/05/17/melbourne-subway-map-rail-fantasy/" target="_blank">orbital railways</a> that can move people across suburbs without having to go into the city, we can prevent unnecessary congestion in the CBD.
Planners should continue to encourage walking and cycling (which includes making the streets safe), while also separating trams from other forms of traffic. This would attract more people to public transport, leaving the roads for those who truly need them.
Together with the <a href="https://transport.vic.gov.au/about/planning/transport-strategies-and-plans/" target="_blank">government’s focus on mass transit</a>, Melbourne <a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/victoria/andrews-guy-give-thumbs-down-to-capp-s-ridiculous-cbd-traffic-plan-20180621-p4zmtr" target="_blank">Mayor Sally Kapp’s</a> provocative proposal to reduce road congestion in the CBD – by making some streets one-way and giving priority to pedestrians – is a step in the right direction.
Imagination is an important part of the planning and design process as it allows us to see infinite potential in the urban environment. Unfortunately, these dreams are often dismissed early due to increasing sensitivity to economic feasibility and immediate return on investment.
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/97609/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1">While budgets are important, we must remember that planning and design should be about improving the lives of the people in our cities and towns, even if projects come at a higher cost and take longer to deliver.
Aaron Magro is a PhD Candidate at the Melbourne School of Design, University of Melbourne
This article was originally published on <a href="https://theconversation.com/au" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>.
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How city planning is inspired by previous visions of the future

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GUEST OBSERVATION
Overcrowding is an inevitable and often overlooked result of the affordable housing shortage in our cities.
When a dwelling requires four or more extra bedrooms to reasonably accommodate occupants, the standard commonly used in Australia defines that as severe overcrowding. In 2011, 41,390 Australians lived in severely overcrowded dwellings, an increase of one-third from 2006. This increase occurred mostly in cities where house prices had risen sharply.
Our recent research, to be published soon, examined where overcrowded housing is located in our capital cities. We found:
<ul>
<li>Sydney and Melbourne are most affected by concentrated overcrowding</li>
<li>levels of overcrowding are highest in middle-city areas (except in Adelaide)</li>
<li>overcrowding overlaps strongly with socioeconomic disadvantage.</li>
</ul>
What exactly do we mean by overcrowding?
Pressure in the affordable housing sector has led to increases in overcrowding. Media reports describe situations of “ten people in a two-bed unit”, “58 beds crammed into 19 dirty, makeshift rooms” and “ten people shoehorned into one bedroom, tenants sleeping in bathrooms, and in one case, a pantry”.
Living in severely crowded dwellings has been described as the most common form of homelessness.
Security and safety can be an issue when residents do not have privacy and control of their own space. But people sacrifice space and safety to secure affordable accommodation.
An example of the dangers was a fatal fire in an apartment illegally partitioned to create a fourth bedroom.
Commonly used standards of overcrowding range from simple indicators such as persons per bedroom (e.g. American Crowding Index) to more sophisticated indicators that consider family size and composition (age, gender and marital status).
One such measure, the Canadian National Occupancy Standard (CNOS), is officially recognised in Australia. It assesses a household’s bedroom requirements using the following criteria:
<ul>
<li>no more than two people should share a bedroom</li>
<li>children of different sexes under five years of age may reasonably share a room</li>
<li>children of different sexes should not share a bedroom when aged five or older</li>
<li>children under 18 and of the same sex may reasonably share a bedroom</li>
<li>parents, couples and household members aged 18 or older should have a separate bedroom.</li>
</ul>
Under this standard, households that need at least one extra bedroom are considered overcrowded. A shortfall of four or more bedrooms is severe overcrowding, with greater risks for health and safety.
One standard doesn’t fit all situations
Measuring overcrowding is not straightforward. The age and sex separation thresholds involve assumptions about the age of puberty and adulthood.
CNOS is the preferred measure of the Australian Bureau of Statistics, Statistics New Zealand and the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). This is because it takes the age and sex of occupants into account and matches our values and expectations of how space is used.
In Australia, it is usually acceptable for children of the same sex to share a bedroom before puberty. But we already know CNOS does not account for differing cultural expectations of the numbers of bathrooms and toilets, and the size of kitchens, bedrooms and living spaces. CNOS embeds assumptions that do not hold across ethnically diverse groups in Australia.
For example, a study of migrant suburbs in Sydney and Melbourne found “it is not uncommon to have families with two adults and five children sharing a two-bedroom property”. This is due to large family size and different cultural norms, including intergenerational occupancy of housing. Few properties are designed for this.
Traditional Pacific houses use living spaces rather than separate bedrooms for sleeping. A bedroom with more than two people is compatible with the attitudes of some Pacific and Mäori peoples to having a sense of adequate space.
Similarly, using the Canadian standard, Indigenous Australians are more than five times as likely to live in overcrowded housing as non-Indigenous Australians. This is alarmingly high and likely driven by high rates of socioeconomic disadvantage. We need to disentangle the extent to which values around space and its use versus socio-economic drivers of overcrowding underlie this statistic.
Do we need better measures?
So should we develop Australian-specific culturally sensitive standards? We think that depends on what we want to know.
Physiological stress and disease risk as a result of crowding occur for different ethnic groups regardless of whether they perceive themselves as crowded. Culturally specific standards may not be necessary when broadly examining the relationships between crowding and transmission of infections such as rheumatic fever, colds, asthma, influenza and meningococcal disease. Living in close quarters is relevant regardless of cultural norms of housing or nuances of measurement of crowding. Standard indices, while not perfect, capture this.
However, expectations about shared space might influence impacts on mental health. Social relations and family bonds are key social determinants of mental health. In particular, shared culture has been identified as a positive resource in improving Indigenous health. Current crowding metrics ignore non-bedroom-related uses of housing.
Crowding indices that capture the use of space – for example, incorporating subjective feelings that too many people are around – could be a step forward. Given our climate of wide temperature ranges and the high cost of utilities, such indices might also consider “functional overcrowding” – people sharing small spaces or beds due to concerns about heating/cooling and security.
Research on wellbeing would benefit from integrating a better understanding of the variety of needs of cultural groups and tailoring measures to our climatic conditions. However, such measures would be more subjective than current standard measures, more difficult to collect at a population level and less comparable with international standards.
What can we do about harmful overcrowding?
Cultural preferences mean low levels of overcrowding may not always be problematic. But overcrowding is a problem when generated by socio-economic disadvantage and when it compromises people’s safety and security. This is likely in cities where housing costs are high.
<img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/96110/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1">Broader measures are needed to improve the supply of affordable housing. This includes dedicated programs such as the National Rental Affordability Scheme (NRAS) and extra funding for social housing. Enforceable laws that go beyond the Public Health and Wellbeing Act in Victoria and NSW Fair Trading strata reforms are also needed to monitor overcrowding and avoid the negative impacts of severe overcrowding.
Shanaka Herath, Vice-Chancellor’s Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Wollongong
Rebecca Bentley, Associate Professor, Centre for Health Equity, Melbourne School of Population and Global Health, University of Melbourne
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/overcrowded-housing-looms-as-a-challenge-for-our-cities-96110" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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Overcrowded housing looms as a challenge for our cities

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EXPERT OBSERVATION
The recent announcement of a draft State Environmental Planning Policy (SEPP) for the revitalisation of the Gosford City Centre demonstrates the value of state leadership in planning.
The draft SEPP for the Gosford City Centre appoints the Department of Planning and Environment asthe assessment authority for all projects over a value of $10 million.
This allocation of most projects to the state government planning department will ensure local politics is removed from decision making and that the importance of the revitalisation of Gosford as a state significant project is reinforced.
It is good to see the state government taking a stronger role in ensuring new development occurs by taking over planning powers for projects over $10 million.
The same approach could occur for many of the priority and planned precincts across urban areas in New South Wales.
The government’s funding of infrastructure with $42 million and an upgrade of parks with a further $10 million demonstrates a strong commitment to Gosford City Centre.
The use of the NSW Government Architect in developing plans for the revitalisation of the public realm including connections to the waterfront and the hospital are positive contributions to the future of Gosford.
It is of concern that the Central Coast Council has collected $8.1 million in contributions for local infrastructure that has not been committed to projects.
The development industry must make contributions for infrastructure on all projects and they expect this to lead to public domainimprovements in a timely manner.
The Urban Taskforce supports the measures introduced in the Gosford City Centre SEPP and the associated packages with this.
The current market across metropolitan Sydney is slowing down and it is important that the NSW Government considers similar interventions to those being applied in Gosford to planned precincts across Sydney.
Chris Johnson is the Urban Taskforce CEO.
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Gosford City Centre planning policy demonstrates state leadership: Urban Taskforce

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GUEST OBSERVATION
We live in an urban world. By 2030, 66% of the world’s population will live in cities, concentrated in only 3% of the planet’s land area. But city sizes vary greatly, so what can city size tell us about their residents’ quality of life?
Our new research shows that city size and population distribution matter when the priorities are access to amenities and equality of opportunities and outcomes – and not just economic growth. Larger cities are associated with greater inequality in both Australia and the United States. This is because a concentration of high incomes and wealth in the biggest cities flows on to spatial justice issues such as high housing costs and poor access to amenities for lower-income residents.
This suggests planning must focus on the development of cities of all sizes, not just the largest ones.
Further, development and growth should be measured not only in aggregative ways, such as the gross domestic product (GDP), but in ways that show how well this is distributed – such as distributions of income, housing stock and access to services. A massive global city, with a rising share of the nation’s GDP, but with segregation between rich and poor, and unaffordable housing and long commuting hours for most, should fare very poorly on such measures.
Why the focus on larger cities?
The development of ever-larger cities is a global phenomenon. In Australia, both Sydney and Melbourne are projected to have populations of 8 million by mid-century.
Large cities are often said to be innovation drivers, wealth producers, the economic engines of the country. The focus on large cities’ wealth generation and agglomeration economies – the benefits when firms and people come together in cities – means the distributive aspects are neglected. In our previous research, we found larger cities have more unequal income distribution.
The largest cities have disproportionate numbers of high-income earners. It’s not just a matter of large income gaps between rich and poor. High-income earners also push out or displace low-income earners.
Empirical evidence indicates that traditional metrics fail to capture the reality of these displacements and expulsions.
So how do Australian and US cities compare?
In our new research, we analysed all cities across Australia and the United States. Across both countries, larger cities were much more likely to have disproportionately high concentrations of high-income earners and disproportionately high housing costs.
We tested this finding by the geography of concentration. Using a measure called the location quotient (LQ), we compared the local city-wide proportion of people in each income or housing cost category to the same proportion nationally. A higher LQ implies greater local concentrations of a particular category in comparison to the national average proportion: note the starkly different signatures for the largest and smallest cities below. Sydney, specifically, is a very poor performer.
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Source: Author calculations from 2011 Census data. All 19 ABS 2011 rent categories are shown, lowest ($1-$74 per week) to highest (&gt; $650 per week). In the largest cities, the higher rent categories show high location quotients, meaning larger cities concentrate higher numbers of households in high rent categories. Adelaide is an exception. Melbourne is performing better than Sydney.
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Source: Author calculations from 2011 Census data. All 19 ABS 2011 rent categories are shown, lowest ($1-$74 per week) to highest (&gt; $650 per week).
But isn’t this a tautology? Larger cities have always had higher living costs, haven’t they? Two very subtle effects, that even an established measure of inequality like the Gini coefficient would miss, exist.
First, if high-income residents push out low-income residents, then the Gini won’t show this. But the fact there are no poor people left to measure is a sign of heightened inequities.
Second, large cities do not seem to be generating harmful consequences for everyone. Only lower-income earners face this disadvantage, since a low-income person in a large, high-cost city is worse off than a high-income earner in the same city and than all other earners in smaller or medium-sized cities.
However, since the largest cities have the best amenities and services, the best is available only to the richest.
What are the implications of these findings?
The research points to a need for some conceptual changes.
1. Reconceptualise inequality
Instead of the narrower term “income inequality”, inequality should be thought as the differential in individuals’ access to the resources, amenities and abilities needed for their wellbeing. Larger, more expensive cities must be disproportionately responsible for ensuring this access is affordable for all residents, not just high-income earners.
2. Recharacterise supply and demand
Large cities make the mismatch of housing supply to specific pockets of demand worse: housing as basic need clashes with housing as economic investment.
The high supply of mansions, luxury apartments and investment properties is inaccessible for living in if you don’t earn enough. It also enables wealth accumulation in a few hands. In addition, high-income earners with the ability to pay for a resource will inflate prices, further reducing affordability for low-income earners.
Thus, the (in)ability to pay for housing becomes a decisive factor in shaping wellbeing for residents of large cities.
Larger cities have a greater responsibility for correcting this mismatch between supply and demand.
3. Rethink planning and design
These developments affect the ability of communities to have a real say in the design and planning of cities. A community dominated by high-income earners is unlikely to make choices that represent the needs and wants of everyone. The absence of low-income earners in decision-making is likely to contribute to conditions such as segregation, displacement or polarisation.
When a city crosses a threshold where incomes of a few and living costs for all begin to rise disproportionately, affordability, accessibility and socio-spatial justice become important urban policy issues.
A greater spread of city sizes offer a way forward
Geoffrey West, in his book Scale, writes: "The great metropolises of the world facilitate human interaction, creating that indefinable buzz and soul that is the wellspring of its innovation and excitement and a major contributor to its resilience and success."
However, these great metropolises are also where we see the deepest troughs of poverty and injustice. A larger number of cities of varying sizes, with a diversity-specialisation balance of economic functions, could maintain the variation needed for innovative and, more importantly, equitable growth.
In terms of absolute population numbers, cities like Tokyo, Shanghai and Delhi each house populations larger than the entire population of Australia: it’s not the total population that is of concern, but its distribution. Australia has a “missing middle” of cities: many small cities of up to half-a-million, almost no medium-sized cities (half to one million), three large cities and two very large cities. Nearly 40% of Australians live in Sydney and Melbourne.
Our findings suggest a super-concentration of the population in very few mega-urban regions is undesirable. Instead, we must plan for cities of all sizes, increasing people’s choices of where to live and work. It is critical to plan for equitable growth of cities where, regardless of income, everyone can have a decent quality of life.
Somwrita Sarkar, Senior Lecturer in Design and Computation, University of Sydney
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" target="_blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/aim-for-cities-of-all-sizes-to-give-everyone-a-fair-go-94657" target="_blank">original article</a>.
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